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IRT AND ARCHAEOLOGY D I V I S I O N — O C C A S I O N A L PAPER 6
winifred needler An Egyptian Funerary Bed of the
Roman Period in The Royal
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Occasional Paper 6
ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY DIVISION
ROYAL ONTARIO MUSEUM
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
winifred needler An Egyptian Funerary Bed of the
Roman Period in The Royal
Ontario Museum
Art and Archaeology Editorial Committee
Chairman: harold b. burnham
Price: Three Dollars
© The Governors of The University of Toronto, 1963
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
Contents
1 Provenance and General Description, 1
2 History of the Egyptian Lion-bed, 4
3 The Inscriptions: General Comments and the Personal Names, 8
4 Detailed Description of the Pictorial Decoration, 10
5 The Problem of Dating the Bed: General Considerations, 16
6 Iconographic Considerations, 19
7 Stylistic Considerations, 23
8 Two Related Types of Late Roman Burials at Thebes, 26
9 Summary, 29
notes, 81
LIST OF WORKS CITED, Ifi
List of Illustrations
PLATES
I The Toronto Bed, General View, Right Side, 59
II The Toronto Bed, General View, Left Side, 60
III The Right Front Leg showing Double Column of Inscription, and Herty in
File of Deities, 61
IV The Front of the Bed, Files of Deities, Inscriptions, etc., 62
V The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, First Section (Left End), 63
VI The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Second Section, 63
VII The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Third Section, 64
VIII The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Fourth Section (Right End), 64
IX The Pictorial Frieze, Left Side, First Section (Right End), 65
X The Pictorial Frieze, Left Side, Second Section, 65
XI The Pictorial Frieze, Left Side, Third Section, 66
XII The Pictorial Frieze, Left Side, Fourth Section (Left End), 66
XIII The Foot of the Bed, the Ogdoad, 67
1 . Provenance and General Description
The large Roman-Egyptian funerary bed discussed in the following pages
was acquired in Egypt, some time prior to 1909, by Dr. C. T. Currelly, first
director of The Royal Ontario Museum of Archaeology.1 There is no infor-
mation concerning the provenance of the bed in the Museum's early records,
but more than thirty years later Dr. Currelly told the writer that it came
from Thebes. Several considerations substantiate this statement. Dr. Cur-
relly was appointed official "collector" for the proposed museum in 1906,
while he was for two seasons (1905-7) a member of Naville's expedition at
Deir el-Bahari. This was the period of his most intensive collecting of
Egyptian antiquities, and he had far greater opportunities to pick things up
at Thebes than at any other place. The purchases which he made elsewhere
in Egypt usually came from regular dealers, and records of these transac-
tions can generally be found in the Museum's files. Moreover, the bed is a
unique object and on that account is not likely to have come from any of
those Petrie excavations which were important sources of material for our
museum through Dr. Currelly's association with Petrie. On the other hand,
the Museum possesses much undocumented archaeological material from
Thebes, mostly from Deir el-Bahari. This can in some cases be identified
with Naville's excavations, from which we also received official consign-
ments through the Egypt Exploration Fund. The bed arrived in Toronto
(according to Mr. A. S. Gillan, former Chief Preparator) in a virtually com-
plete but dismantled condition and was not re-assembled until the first wing
of the Museum was about to be opened in 1914.
The bed (Pis. I and II) is in the Egyptian tradition of funerary beds, with
the conventional foreparts and hindparts of two lions supporting the frame.
The lions and the frieze surmounting the frame are roughly carved and
painted, while the rest of the elaborate decoration is painted on the flat ex-
terior of the sides and ends. The present height of the bed is about 67 cm.
Its length is about 200 cm., and its width is 102 cm. The heavy frame is pine
(Pinus, Sect. Pinaster). The rest, which is distinctly different in grain and
colour, is an unidentified species of the genus morus.2 The slightly Hellenized
lion's heads, which have an unintentionally pathetic expression (Pis. Ill
and IV), are carved in one piece with the squared corner supports of the
bed, and project mask-like from a pentagonal shield. Informal linear detail
in black paint, including an untidy ruff, contributes to the impression of
hybrid decadence. The heads are better carved, however, than the extreme-
ly debased forelegs, from which they are separated in front by vertical
double columns of painted inscriptions on a plane surface. The hindlegs are
likewise very debased, and the tails are curiously twisted between the legs
1
instead of being raised as in the traditional form of funerary bed. On the
left-hand side of the bed the tail twists completely around the leg. On the
other side it rests on the rear edge of the base-block that supported each
pair of legs. These base-blocks, entirely missing in front and only partially
preserved in the rear, were made in one piece with the legs. They were
decorated with a cavetto cornice, which is doubtless a corruption of the in-
verted cone traditionally placed beneath the animal feet of furniture.3
On the interior of the bed horizontal planks, now missing, must have
rested on the edge of the frame's upper surface, supplying the basic support
or "springs" of the bed and substituting for the plaited cord, linen strips,
or leather thongs used for the purpose in daily life. These horizontal planks
were further supported by a medial strut, still intact, the painted ends of
which can be seen in the midst of the decoration of the exterior (Pis. IV
and XIII). The two tiers of planks rising above the frame of the bed form a
box 17 cm. high, which must have contained the cushioning, mattress, or
featherbed on which the mummy directly rested. The lower tier is painted in
blue(?), red and green vertical stripes, a corruption of the traditional cornice
decoration.4 The upper tier is carved and painted to represent a row of erect
uraei, such as is often seen in royal and private representations of canopies
and shrines for the gods, beginning with the New Kingdom, in the tomb
furniture of Tutankhamun, and with increasing frequency as a decorative
element in private tomb furniture of the late periods.5 The uraei are yellow-
brown with red sun-disks. On superficial examination one might wonder
whether this uraeus frieze might have belonged originally to another object,
or to another part of the same object. The state of preservation of the bed,
however, is remarkable, and there is no restoration except some supports
on the interior.0 That all the elements are in their original position is indi-
cated (1) by the correspondence of the dowel-holes, many of which still con-
tain the original wooden dowels, (2) by the painted decoration, which in
many places is continuous over different pieces of wood, and (3) by con-
tinuous marks of weathering and of brush strokes on the stucco of the in-
terior. Around the top of the bed, in the thickness of the uraeus frieze,
there are narrow slots, seven on each side, and a sunken drill-hole in the
middle of the front end. Although these holes are all very small and are
rather irregularly placed they suggest that the bed may have been provided
with a light canopy, a theory that is still further supported by a slight
hollowing in the middle of the inner surface of the rear end.
The abundant polychrome decoration of the bed is painted over a stucco
base, as is also the yellow-brown of the lions. The colours are red, yellow,
green, blue(?) and black, on a white ground, with the hieroglyphs and the
outlines and linear detail of the figures in black. All are apparently faded,
and what was probably blue is now dark gray. On the two sides there is a
continuous pictorial frieze of which most of the scenes were from vignettes
in the Book of the Dead. On the head end, covering the frame and a wide
skirt, there is depicted a large array of deities, and on the foot end the
ogdoad. All the pictorial elements are lavishly accompanied by crude hiero-
glyphic inscriptions. This very elaborate painted decoration will be de-
scribed and discussed in detail below, but first the antecedents of the bed in
the history of Egyptian funerary furniture will be briefly reviewed, in an
effort to obtain some understanding of its form and probable function.
2 • History of the Egyptian Lion-bed
The lion-bed, as a form of funerary symbolism, goes back to the Old King-
dom and may have originated in Heliopolitan beliefs which connected the
lion with resurrection. These beliefs in their turn were probably derived
from the concept of the lion as a symbol of the king in his role of god with
power over life and death.7
Two alabaster offering-tables discovered by Mariette in the rock-cut
chambers of the Djoser complex north of the pyramid8 remind one of the
funerary lion-beds of the later periods. On each side an elongated lion,
whose body simply forms a raised border, is carved mainly in relief while
the head and forelegs project in the round. The tail encircles an appendage
in the form of an oil- jar, designed to hold liquids dripping from the gently
backward-sloping surface. Nothing is known about the ceremonial bed or
table, probably wooden, on which the kings of the Old Kingdom must have
been laid out for mummification. It would seem unlikely that such pieces of
furniture would survive in view of their macabre function, which would ren-
der them unsuitable for ceremonial burial. But the lion's close association
with the kingship in symbolism, the persistently traditional form of the later
funerary lion-beds, and the appearance of the latter in ancient representa-
tions of Anubis the embalmer suggest that the ultimate ancestor of the
Toronto bed was a royal embalming bed of the early Old Kingdom similar
in design to Djoser's small-scale alabaster tables.9
It is at least certain that furniture with lion's legs was made for the
living at the beginning of the 4th Dynasty. Royal thrones with head and
forepart of a lion supporting the front of the seat on either side occur in
three statues of Chefren.10 This type of throne remained the prerogative of
kings in later Egyptian history. Furniture with simply lion's legs (i.e. one
foreleg to each side) and without lion's heads had begun to supersede the
earlier bull-legged furniture11 by the end of the 3rd Dynasty, and was then
associated with the life of private individuals as well as with royalty. Like
the more frequently seen chairs of similar design, beds of daily life with
lion's legs (or occasionally the bull's legs which they gradually replaced) and
footboard appear in the wall-pictures of private tombs of the 5th and 6th
Dynasty.12 The only actual wooden bed known from the Old Kingdom, that
of Queen Hetepheres I,13 has lion's legs (one at each corner supporting a
sloping frame) and the footboard which is regularly present in beds of daily
life from that time on, but it has no lion's heads. None of these beds of daily
life resembles at all closely the later funerary form of lion-bed.
Although positive evidence is lacking it may be reasonably assumed that,
like the chair, the bed with lion's heads and lion's legs was at first associated
4
solely with the king, both in life and in death. From the private tombs of
Meru and Sebky at Heliopolis14 and of Mena at Dendera,15 all of the 6th
Dynasty, come for the first time pictures of beds with lion's heads as well as
lion's legs. It is not certain whether these beds were used in daily life or
only for ritual purposes, since they occur in inventories of offerings, not in
scenes of activities. Meru's bed is accompanied by the label j^°" f^ »
Stt, the word for bed.16
The beds in the painted inventories of objects on the coffins of the
Middle Kingdom17 usually have lion's heads, as in the 6th-Dynasty ex-
amples cited, but unlike the latter they lack the footboard. The function of
these inventory beds of the Middle Kingdom is likewise undetermined, and
for the same reason. Their funerary character is indicated, however, by the
appearance of similar beds in funeral processions pictured on the walls of
tombs of approximately the same date. In one such scene the sarcophagus
rests upon a lion-bed during transport by boat and by sledge.18 In another
the mummy lies on a lion-bed in a funerary barge.19 In the first instance the
bed has a vestigial tail, and in the second it has a long one which curves
upwards like the tails of the standard funerary bed of the New Kingdom
and later. The actual wooden beds which survive from the Middle Kingdom
are generally of very simple form, with plain legs and with neither lion's
heads nor footboard.20 I have found no beds in the tomb pictures of the
Middle Kingdom which can be definitely identified as beds of daily life, but
a plain type, with neither lion's heads nor footboard, perhaps belongs to this
category.21
The beds with lion's heads at each end in the 18th-Dynasty temple scenes
of theogamy and royal birth22 do not necessarily give a true picture of
actual beds used in the royal household, for their design was probably not
intended to be taken more literally than the subject of these formal scenes.
They certainly do not at all resemble the beds of daily life which have
actually survived from the New Kingdom,23 or those which are sometimes
pictured on the tomb walls of the period.24 But lion-beds (or stands) with
heads at each end appear on the walls of the tomb of Ramesses II, where
they carry various funerary objects.25 They seem related, in form and func-
tion, to the lion-beds in the inventories of the 6th to 12th Dynasty, and to
the lion-beds carrying the mummy or sarcophagus in Middle-Kingdom
funeral processions (see above) and those of later periods.
Funerary lion-beds with heads at one end only, like the Middle-Kingdom
examples already mentioned, are seen in funeral processions of the New
Kingdom.26 Sometimes they carry a shrine (or the invisible mummy within
a shrine) and sometimes they carry the mummy. They have the tail curved
upward and forward in the position that thenceforward became standard for
the funerary lion-bed, and they generally (but not always) lack the foot-
board.27 This is the bed on which the mummy nearly always lies in the
scenes of Anubis embalming or revivifying the mummy, so familiar from
the papyri of the Book of the Dead.28 These scenes appear for the first time
in the 18th Dynasty,29 and become very popular for tomb walls in the 19th30
and for painted coffins, cartonnage, shrouds, stelae, etc., in Late Dynastic
and Greek and Roman times.31 The funerary lion-bed of the ancient pic-
tures appears sometimes with and sometimes without a canopy.
The form of the funerary beds mentioned above, and their apparent
function, would strongly suggest that the wooden lion-bed from the tomb
of Tutankhamun32 was used during the king's funeral to carry his mummy
or some important accessory. Its purely ritual character is confirmed by its
two companion pieces, one in the form of a Hathor cow and the other in the
form of a composite hippopotamus and lion representing the goddess Ta-
weret. It is likely that the three beds were part of the standard burial
equipment of the time, at least for kings. The remains of three similar beds
(lion, Hathor, Ta-weret) were found in the tomb of Haremheb.33 The two
sets of beds, which must represent an established tradition for royal burials,
may have been designed to support statue shrines since they were associ-
ated with such shrines in the tomb of Haremheb, and since very similar lion-
beds are shown carrying shrines in funeral scenes in private tombs. But they
are of light wooden construction, are of the same length as the king's beds
of daily life, and are provided with footboards. It is tempting to suppose
that each of the three may have been intended to carry the dead king at
different times, perhaps for specific periods prescribed by ritual during the
long interval between death and burial. It may be noted at this point that
in the Tutankhamun set of funerary beds (and therefore probably in the
actual private funerary beds represented by the two-dimensional lion-beds
of the New Kingdom pictures) the old form of the two lions supporting the
frame had persisted, a literal symbolism carried down from the Old King-
dom and seen not only in the Djoser alabaster offering tables but also in the
thrones of the Chefren statues.34 The lion throne of Tutankhamun, on the
other hand, while like that of the Chefren statues possessing lion's heads,
follows the more functional tradition of ordinary upper-class furniture in
having simple legs instead of two lion's legs together beneath each lion's
head.36 It is perhaps natural that the literal symbolism of two lions sup-
porting the king should survive for a much longer period in purely funerary
design, and that it should submit to the gradual democratization which was
the slow fate of so many of the prerogatives of ancient Egyptian royalty.36
Since the lion-bed had by the 18th Dynasty become definitely associated
with funerals it is not surprising that it also appears in scenes of the death
and resurrection of Osiris himself. Thus it is the bed on which Osiris lies
with Isis as a falcon, in the Temple of Sety I at Abydos,37 and in similar
scenes in the late temples.38 There is also the curious basalt lion-headed
Osiris bier of the 26th Dynasty from the "Tomb of Osiris" at Abydos,39
which bears little resemblance to the wooden funerary beds.
6
We have seen from the ancient pictures that a standard type of funerary
lion-bed, for private persons, was established by the 18th Dynasty and was
very frequently represented in later funerary art. But actual examples have
seldom survived, a fact which might suggest that these beds were not ordi-
narily buried in the tomb, except in the case of royal funerals, when they
may have been included, like the embalming material, on account of the
special tabus connected with the kingship. No surviving wooden lion-beds
designed to carry private persons can be attributed, I believe, to a date
earlier than Greek and Roman times, with the possible exception of a partly
restored wooden bed with bronze corner-fittings, in Hildesheim.40
A remarkable wooden lion-bed of the Ptolemaic period in Cairo was found
by Maspero at Akhmim in 1885.41 It is of traditional lion form, with up-
curved tails, and it has a canopy which is decorated on each side with a file
of seated deities in polychrome ajoure work, each deity holding a maat
feather. The vaulted ajoure roof consists of spread vultures above an elabo-
rate cavetto cornice which is surmounted by a uraeus frieze. A file of
smaller seated deities is painted on the frame of the bed, and kneeling
figures of Isis and Nephthys are carved in the round on the roof, one at each
end. A canopied bed in Berlin42 closely resembles the Akhmim bed and must
be of approximately the same date. A baldequin in Edinburgh,43 in the
form of a columned shrine with a uraeus frieze surmounting the triple
cornice of the facade, probably was part of a similar bed.
The Akhmim funerary bed and its close relative in Berlin are the only
surviving parallels to the Toronto bed known to me, and are clearly several
centuries older. A Ptolemaic date for the Akhmim bed can be accepted. In its
general design it differs from our bed stylistically, particularly in its in-
formed adherence to tradition. By comparison ours is debased and inco-
herent. But it is the painted scenes on our bed that definitely place this ex-
traordinary piece of furniture in the Roman period, probably as late as the
third century A.D., and certainly not earlier than the second.
3 . The Inscriptions: General Comments
and the Personal Names
In the following description of the painted scenes on our bed most, but
not all, of the figures have been identified. Many are recognizable without
the accompanying inscription, and very often a familiar attribute gives a
clue to a hieroglyphic label which is so debased that it would otherwise be
beyond recognition. Often, however, the figure is identified entirely by the
inscription. Regardless of present errors and uncertainties it will be clear
that some of the writing on this object is garbled and that some was il-
legible when written. It will also be clear that on the whole these extremely
distorted hieroglyphs, like the crude pictures which they accompany, are
far from meaningless. There are no Greek or demotic inscriptions on the
bed. (Professor R. J. Williams has read this paper and has corrected some
flagrant linguistic errors. He cannot be held responsible for those that re-
main.)
The detailed photographs (Pis. III-XIII) indicate to what extent the
hieroglyphs are legible. Even in some cases where the meaning of a whole
word is clear certain of the component signs cannot be identified. These in-
scriptions may well be too corrupt and too inconsequential to warrant the
attention of someone better qualified for the task, and I am therefore pre-
senting them here to the best of my limited ability. With the exception of
the garbled inscriptions beneath the lion's heads and the poorly preserved
one at the foot of the bed, the hieroglyphs simply identify the human and
divine figures, of which there are approximately one hundred in the painted
scenes (not including the fifteen anonymous demons). The names of the
deities are nearly always followed by the signs A* ntr (m) or "a rv ntrt(f),
and in a few cases by epithets.
There can be no doubt whatever concerning the name of the owner of the
bed, h (I (1 hrty, which occurs ten times. The name of the lady who
shares with him the honours of the bed, and who is probably but not neces-
sarily his wife, is equally certain. It is ° ^ O ^ . ■ t8-sryt-n(t)-ntrw, which
occurs seven times.
Except for a single doubtful instance to be mentioned below, Herty's and
Ta-sheryet-neteru's names stand alone, without filiation, titles or other
identification. This simplicity in denoting the owner and his lady con-
tributes to the general impression that the inscriptions on our bed belong
to a late stage in the disintegration of the hieroglyphic script. For the
Roman period, however, few instances at all have been recorded of private
names in hieroglyphic and still fewer are securely dated.44 We can only ob-
serve that such simplification would be consistent with the scarcity and
degradation of hieroglyphic writing which became extreme during the third
century. A fragmentary painted shroud in the University Museum, Phila-
delphia,45 bears the names of the owner and his father and mother in a cor-
rupt hieroglyphic inscription. The hieroglyphs of the Philadelphia shroud are
comparable to ours, and may be noted here as perhaps another very late
example of hieroglyphic containing personal names.
The name fl (1 (1 hrty is unusual. It is perhaps the same as that of the
20th-Dynasty stable-master, probably a foreign settler, mentioned in the
Wilbour Papyrus,46 where the name is written with a single (1 ; and there is a
2^X<:I:>M p8-hrt(y) of the Late Period.47 The name hrty occurs in a
demotic text in Cairo dated 138 or 137 B.C.48 Thus the name of the owner
of our bed may have long been naturalized in Egypt, although originally
foreign. It is possible, however, that it came to Egypt from abroad in
Roman times (see p. 16 below).
The name ^O^i . t3-sryt-n(t)-ntrw ("the daughter of the gods")
is unknown to me elsewhere in hieroglyphic. But it does occur on a mummy-
ticket in both demotic and Greek.49 The Greek form of the name is Xevev-
Trjpts. During the period of the mummy-tickets (second to fourth century
A.D.), similarly compounded Egyptian names were particularly common.60
For the two vertical columns of hieroglyphs on each side of the front of
the bed, below the lion's heads (Pis. Ill and IV), little can be attempted
here. The left-hand columns (inner column — >) . .T7?J .na MNNr1n]c\
°)M and (outer column ^) ^f J^ftjP$— J j^
are comparatively clear. The upper part of these columns seems to be
simply: dd mdw in wsir (nf) hrty (inner) ("words spoken by Osiris to (?)
Herty") and dd mdw in wsir {nf) t3-sryt-n(t)-ntrw (outer) (". . . to Sen-
enteris"). t3-sryt is corruptly written above wsir. The lower part of the
same columns, which in each case appears to be ms n tSSst ("born of
Taesi")61 is uncertain. The right-hand columns are obscure: (inner <— )
^ffi^iV — (TV — [ ]' and(°uter-*) -^l^f
<?G|l|[]^W^^I^m[ ]. The upper part of the
inner column is probably: rswntn n . . . , "Rejoice in. . . ."62 The large sign
immediately below this seems to be the cobra on a basket |Z , with horns.63
For the outer column, m fypr™ [ ] hrty hr t3-sryt-n(t)-ntrw
],66 no meaning can be suggested except that it mentions
both Herty and Senenteris.
4. Detailed Description of the
Pictorial Decoration
In front, below the surmounting uraeus frieze (PI. IV), we see a winged
sun-disk with uraei. This sun-disk is flanked by fifteen unnamed seated
demons facing outwards, seven on the left side and eight on the right.
Each holds a knife, and they probably represent the Guardians of the
Gates in Chapter 146 of the Book of the Dead.56 The two wide registers
below contain files of deities, thirty figures in all, who are consistently but
often illegibly named in crude hieroglyphic characters. Between these main
registers are a carved and painted uraeus frieze (above), similar to but
smaller than the surmounting frieze, and a second winged sun-disk (below).
The sun-disk is flanked by fifteen erect serpents : eight narrow-necked on the
left and seven cobras on the right. These possibly represent the serpents
accompanying the Guardians of the Gates shown above.67 At the very bot-
tom, below the lower wide register, is a narrow painted band, a corruption
of the traditional dado design which was in its remote origins derived from
the srh facade.58
In the upper of the two main registers stand human-headed Osiris (right
centre) and falcon-headed Sokar-Osiris (left centre), each attended by
seven gods and goddesses. Behind Osiris stands an unidentified human-
headed goddess (caption lost in splintered edge) and before him Nut ; then
a falcon-headed god (Month?),59 Anubis (inpw hnty sh.f), Nut (surprisingly
but clearly again), a falcon-headed god (Horus- Aha?),60 and a human-
headed goddess (Anukis?).61 Behind Sokar-Osiris stands Nephthys(?) and
before him Isis(?),62 Horus Son of Osiris(?),63 a human-headed goddess
(Bastet?),64 Anubis, Horus Son of Osiris (again), and an unidentified ram-
headed god.66 In this register seven of the deities on the right and five on
the left are accompanied by a group of four symbols: a bucket O, a door
■v=7, and two loops of cord with ends upward ft. The group, which I have
not found elsewhere, is perhaps a corruption of the snw, mw, 13b group
signifying physical resurrection, often seen on stelae and in tomb paintings
of the New Kingdom.66 Most of the deities in this register, attendant on the
two mummiform gods, carry a cup or bucket and a cloth or bandage, prob-
ably to be interpreted as objects connected with embalming.
The lower of the two main registers shows Osiris-Sokar enthroned (left
centre), attended by six deities, and Sokar-Osiris enthroned67 (right centre),
attended by five deities who are followed by the owner of the bed. Behind
Osiris-Sokar is Nephthys, with epithet mnct c3, and in front of him, from
right to left, are Isis, Hathor (with epithet nbt pt) , a human-headed goddess
10
named simply c3t*8 Anubis (with epithet nb tS dsr), and a falcon-headed
god, probably Re-Horus. Behind Sokar-Osiris is a human-headed goddess,
probably Bastet69 (with epithet mrt), and in front of him, from left to right,
Nephthys, Nut, Hathor (with epithet ms(t n) rc ?), Anubis (with epithet
nb tS dsr) and, as already noted, Herty. Herty has yellow hair and seems to
be dressed in a plain white, ungirt tunic with a mantle over both shoulders
(PL III). In spite of the crudeness of the drawing he looks conspicuously
alive in the decadent company of the gods, who are drawn in the traditional
Egyptian style, while he reveals Western influence. This stylistic contrast
between the gods and the humans is more striking in the scenes on the sides
of the bed (see below). Yet wherever Herty and his lady appear they are
clearly drawn by the same artist who drew the gods with whom they are
consorting.
Turning now to the right side of the bed (PL I), we see at the left end of
the pictorial panel (PL V) a djed symbol70 surmounted by a degenerate ate}
crown with enormous uraei (left side of crown damaged). To its right Osiris,
or a form of Osiris,71 is enthroned before a table of offerings and between
Isis (behind) and an unidentified human-headed goddess, perhaps Neph-
thys.72
This unidentified goddess is followed by a human-headed god carrying a
sail. He is designated by the Horus-falcon "wY above a cartouche containing
the two signs <c=7^. Since the second sign has the value nfr in Egyptian
of the late periods the group is probably to be read wn-njr.lz A sail, signify-
ing the breath of life and frequently carried by the deceased in the Book
of the Dead,74 seems out of place in a file of deities, but it is perhaps not
unsuitable that Onnophris, the form of Osiris particularly connected with
regeneration,75 should carry one. This Onnophris is followed by Anubis
(inpw hnty sh.f) ; two falcon-headed gods, probably called Horus Vv and
Horus Son of Osiris v^ j f\ 1 > and Wep-wawet. Each of the four gods
offers two cups similar to those carried by the gods in the upper register
on the front of the bed.
Next to Wep-wawet stand Herty and Senenteris adoring (PL VI).
Herty 's badly damaged figure was clad in white, probably a tunic of which
only the upper part is preserved. The garment is possibly decorated with
clavi. A white mantle falls behind him and over the left arm. The lady is
dressed in a white ungirt tunic with red clavi. Here too a white mantle,
falling behind from the shoulders, seems to be indicated by the costume's
greater length and pointed flare on the left side. Both humans form part of
the long file of deities paying homage to the enthroned Osiris but here as
elsewhere Herty and his lady are drawn in front view. The file is continued
by (1) Anubis (inpw fpnty sh-f) adoring, (2) a human-headed goddess, per-
haps called Nebet-nehemet,76 carrying a tray of offerings, (3) Hapy77 hold-
11
ing two flowing waterpots, (4) a human-headed goddess, perhaps Tefnut,78
also carrying a tray, (5) a human-headed goddess carrying two flaming pots,
possibly Nesret,79 (6) a human-headed goddess carrying two pots(?), per-
haps Wadjet,80 and a human-headed goddess named Heret,81 carrying two
nw-pots.
Next to Heret (PL VII) is the psychostasis, with Thoth on the left and
Horus on the right beneath the balance.82 The contents of the left-hand pan
must represent, or be an uncomprehending copy of, the seated figure of
Maat. It would be more hazardous to offer a suggestion about the formless
contents of the right-hand pan, which could represent the heart but is per-
haps intended for the "sour' in human form, known in the Roman period
as a substitute for the heart in this scene.83 Upon the balance-post sits a
cynocephalus, flanked by the two birth symbols, human-headed bricks.84
Next, a divine bird, with a menat attached to the back of its head,85 is
seated on a corniced edifice. This bird, which incongruously dwarfs the
psychostasis, resembles the falcon on pedestal seen in the vignettes to
Chapter 78 of the Book of the Dead, but I believe that the label should be
read snty.86 It would thus be identified with the heron of Chapter 84, a bird
into which the soul of the deceased might transform himself.87 Close to the
bird is Herty's mummy standing upright in a gabled shrine, and duly
labelled hrty.
There follows the scene of Herty's embalmment by Anubis, with Isis at the
head and Nephthys at the foot. The three deities are named but Herty's
name is omitted. The lion-bed is provided with thick, transversely-striped
bedding, such as is often seen in representations of these beds in the late
periods and occasionally earlier.88
Next we see (PL VIII) Anubis first consorting with Herty and then with
Senenteris, who is accompanied on the other side by Hathor. Beneath the
Anubis with Senenteris is plainly written (J %| II ("mis-statement," "un-
truth"). A tentative explanation of these four hieroglyphs is here put for-
ward. The lady probably survived her companion, since she is not once
called mc3 hrw, while Herty is nearly always so designated. Could it be that
the iw~ms written with her Anubis was intended to show that she was not
yet ready for the divine embalmer, or to prevent the scene from being an
evil omen? The signs between the two figures are corrupt: The first two
seem to be the beginning of the lady's name ^^ and a sign below these
may be %^ dsr, of Anubis' epithet. In this double scene Herty wears a
plain white tunic and a mantle falling at the left side and pulled diagonally
across the front. Senenteris wears a white ungirt tunic with clavi, which is
also provided with horizontal bands (decoration or folds?), and over this
she perhaps wears a mantle falling behind from the shoulders. Herty's con-
sistently yellow hair contrasts as usual with Senenteris' hair, which is always
black. Here and elsewhere the artist also distinguishes between Herty's
fair skin and the darker skin of his lady. This very clear indication of
Herty's non-Egyptian origin makes it tempting to suggest, in spite of the
earlier parallels cited above (p. 9), that his name was a recent import, and
to look for northern counterparts. He might have come, of course, from
anywhere in the Roman Empire. He might have been a north Italian, a
Gaul, or even a German.89 The Italian name Hirtius is the only name which
so far comes to mind as a possibility.90
In the final scene on this side Herty, kneeling, receives food and drink
from the Goddess of the Sycamore whose hands issue from the tree holding
a flowing waterpot and a tray. Here he wears a plain white, ungirt tunic,
without mantle.
The corresponding frieze on the opposite side of the bed (PI. II) begins
at the head end (PI. IX) with a cult object, of which only the lower part
survives. This is probably the Abydos symbol {Grammar, R 18) on a tall
stand, to judge from the accompanying legend which seems to be read nb
Sbdw,91 and from the enthroned mummiform figure to the left which doubt-
less represent Osiris (or a form of Osiris, the upper part of the figure and its
caption being lost). This enthroned god is attended by Isis, standing behind
him. An unidentified god (Horus?)92 faces him, across a table of offerings.
Next, a large figure of the monster Ammut, with the body of a lioness and
with a serpent's tail, is seated on a corniced pedestal, holding a knife in each
forepaw.93 The identification by legend and picture is supported by the ap-
pearance of a human-headed birth-brick above her, probably labelled
mshnt,9A and of Thoth95 behind her, holding a papyrus roll. The whole group,
with the enthroned Osiris, suggests the psychostasis again, but there is cer-
tainly no room for the scales in the damaged area. It seems likely either that
Ammut and the rest of this group are intended as an appendix to the
psychostasis scene on the other side of the bed or that a second psychostasis
was here omitted through ignorance or spatial miscalculation.
To the left of Thoth we see Herty and Senenteris standing side by side,
attended by Anubis. Herty wears a plain white, ungirt tunic and a mantle
draped around the neck and over the left arm.96 Senenteris wears a white
ungirt tunic with clavi and a scarf passing diagonally over the right upper
arm.97 Both humans hold branches or bunches of flowers(?) in their left
hands.98 Herty holds a staff in his right, and the lady's right is perhaps rest-
ing on a small offering table.
Next a standing mummiform god,99 probably Osiris, is adored by Isis100
(PI. X), and to their left Herty and Senenteris appear again, this time alone.
Here Herty is wearing a white garment which I suggest with hesitation
might be a toga, of the type in vogue under Philip the Arab (244-249). 101
Senenteris wears a white ungirt tunic with clavi, this time without a
mantle. Both hold in their left hand floral objects similar to those which
they carry in their last appearance to the right, and Herty again holds a
staff.
13
To their left Isis and Nephthys kneel and adore the rising(?) sun,102 and
Wep-wawet in animal form lies on a shrine, holding a knife.103
To the left of Wep-wawet four cynocephali adore Shu, who emerges from
the earth with the solar disk on his head, as seen in Chapter 15-16 of the
Book of the Dead104 (PL XI).
Next a corpse rests on a lion-bed, similar to that shown on the other side.
Isis kneels at the head and Nephthys at the foot, but Anubis is absent. In
consequence the bed is larger and shows the four canopic jars beneath it,
their lids clearly and correctly in the form of baboon, human, dog, and fal-
con. The bedding again has decorative stripes. Both lion's heads are shown,
in a curious departure from the traditional (but legs and tail are shown
singly). The hieroglyphs above the corpse are difficult and partly lost. I
would venture, however, to suggest Ta-sheryet-neteru,105 a supposition
which is perhaps supported by the black hair.
Next Horus and Thoth stand in front of what I suggest may represent
two of the doors of the four winds which are opened, properly by Thoth, in
Chapter 161 of the Book of the Dead (PL XII),106 although the artist may
not have clearly understood the meaning of his subject.
To the left of this scene Herty and Senenteris stand in prayer. His white
costume is probably a plain tunic with a mantle, which falls in front from
the left shoulder and is wrapped around the right side. The lady again wears
a white tunic with clavi, and no mantle. Both are clearly provided with
footwear of some sort, traces of which can be tantalizingly seen not only
here but in many of their other appearances. By examining not one but
several of these faint indications one can be sure that Herty sometimes
wears sandals fastened with thongs crossed around the ankle and as far as
the middle of the calf.107 Senenteris almost certainly is sometimes shod, but
it is impossible to determine the appearance of her sandals, or shoes, more
specifically.
Finally, Herty, this time dressed in nothing but archaizing broad collar
and short skirt, once more receives refreshment from the Goddess of the
Sycamore.
The ogdoad108 at the foot of the bed fills the wider panel formed by the
bed frame and a narrow skirt (PL XIII). The eight deities stand, four on
each side, adoring two symbols in the centre, which seem to be the ideo-
grams ©t/' and which I suggest with hesitation might be interpreted as
tpy lb, "the foremost (?) of intelligence."109 Immediately above the eight
figures is a blue band of sky carrying hieroglyphs reading from the centre.
This inscription is very poorly preserved. I can make little of it, but there
is no doubt that the ogdoad is invoked on both sides; left side <— : [[11 c/
imviwit ]*i[ mrm. i-
The eight deities are labelled on the left (from the centre) Kuk and
Kauket, Nun and Naunet, and on the right Huh and Hauhet, Hemsu and
Hemset. The two pairs on the right are properly represented as two frog-
headed gods each accompanied by a serpent-headed goddess. On the left,
however, both the heads and the sexes are confused, for the male figures are
serpent-headed and the females are frog-headed, and Kauket is represented
as male and Nun as female. The pair Hemsu, Hemset is a rare substitution
for the original pair Amun, Amaunet.111
While ogdoads at Thebes generally, but not always, retain Amun,
Amaunet,112 substitutes (i.e. substitute names) for Amun, Amaunet general-
ly appear in Graeco-Roman ogdoads which belong to places other than
Thebes. The commonest of these substitutions is Niau, Niat(?) p> | ,
prv and occasionally there are also found O J^Nf ji *t\ >
perhaps a variant of Niau, Niat, and Gereh, Gerhet ^ | *— & , $ r\ •
The occurrence of Hemsu, Hemset is noted only twice by Sethe, who sug-
gests that they are derived from the word hmsi, "to sit, dwell," and that
they personify motionless existence. The first instance is in a most irregular
ogdoad consisting of two opposed groups of three pairs each. He interprets
the two extra pairs as (1) the addition of the substitute Niaw, Niat after
Amun, Amaunet, and (2) the addition of Hemsu, Hemset after Kuk, Kau-
ket on the other side for the sake of symmetry. The second instance is in a
partially preserved ogdoad, also irregular, where one of the goddesses is
named Niat-Hemset (Niau-Hemsu is missing), and the Amun pair is simi-
larly identified with the Nun pair. Both of these ogdoads belong to the
Ptolemaic period.113 1 have found no mention elsewhere of the pair Hemsu,
Hemset.
Since the ogdoad was worshipped at Medinet Habu during the Ptolemaic
period one might expect to find it adopted into Theban burial customs of
Roman times. But it does not occur in the Book of the Dead or other
funerary documents,114 and I do not know of any representations of it
among tomb furniture except on our bed.
15
5. The Problem of Dating the Bed:
General Considerations
We have seen that both the religious scenes and the hieroglyphs of our
bed are corrupt and careless in the extreme, and that, at the same time,
they surprisingly represent a mass of detailed traditional lore, with scarcely
a trace of Greek influence. Only the human figures depart radically from the
pharaonic tradition, and these are not incongruous with the rest of the
figures, in spite of being drawn en face and in contemporary dress.
The Egyptian upper classes were thoroughly Hellenized even before the
Roman conquest. Under the early Roman Empire the progressive absorp-
tion of the foreign and Hellenized minority by the overwhelming majority
of the native population, the spread of Alexandrian products and ideas, and
the disintegration of Egyptian traditions created degenerate and hybrid
forms of expression which varied according to the locality, nationality, and
social status of the patron and the traditions of the artist or craftsman. Of
course, the funeral furniture maintained its ancient forms much longer than
did the arts and crafts of daily life.116 Both the panel portraits of pure Greek
style and workmanship (mostly from the Fayum and Lower Egypt) and the
Hellenized masks descended from pharaonic prototypes were placed over
the heads of mummies which were also provided with cartonnage, shrouds,
and coffins showing representations of the old Egyptian gods in traditional
form. This incongruity may be explained by the spread and weakening of
Hellenism. But the gradual fusion of the two traditions represents a more
advanced stage in the final disintegration of ancient Egyptian pictorial art,
a stage that is well illustrated, I believe, by the Toronto bed. The frequent
appearances of the two humans of the bed are integrated with the rest of the
scheme, showing that the decoration was drawn, painted, and inscribed by
a single artist (or possibly by a single team of outline draughtsman, colour-
ist, and scribe) for a specific patron, who must have had a living interest
in the old lore.116
Pagan cults flourished even during the rapid rise of Christianity in the
third century, and did not die out completely until the sixth. They were
forbidden altogether by Theodosius (379-395), but the Blemmyes sup-
ported Isis worship in the region of Philae until the last pagan temples were
closed there in 543, in the reign of Justinian.117 While the Greeks and other
foreigners in the land gradually adopted Egyptian beliefs, the variety of
foreign cults practised by them had little effect on the old pharaonic re-
ligion, which was the natural rallying ground for Egyptian nationalism. At
16
the same time, the ancient ritual and symbolism were gradually losing their
meaning, and becoming simplified.118 In the Thebaid, with its proud past
and its remoteness from Alexandrian influences, these old beliefs must have
persisted longer than in most other parts of Egypt.
How late could such a document as our bed have been produced at
Thebes, and are there any means of assigning it to an approximate date? If
indeed it is as late as the third century it affords a remarkable, and in some
ways unique, example of the survival of hieroglyphic.
For all purposes other than the ritual of temple and tomb hieroglyphic
had, of course, died out long before the Roman period. For ritual purposes
it seems to have been generally abandoned earlier than were the representa-
tions of scenes from traditional religious myth, but it continued to be under-
stood by a dwindling number of priests until the later Roman Empire.
The latest known hieroglyphic inscription is from the island of Philae and
is dated A.D. 394 (reign of Theodosius).119 The stele of Diocletian from
Ermant (A.D. 295) and the inscription of Decius at Esna (249-251) are
crude stereotypes which reveal how low had sunk the art of hieroglyphic
writing in the third century, even when used in the service of imperial
propaganda. The few private grave stelae of the Roman period bearing
hieroglyphic inscriptions are seldom datable, but stylistic comparison with
the stele of Diocletian suggests that on the later private stelae hieroglyphs
are generally absent or illegible.120 Of special interest is a very crude round-
topped grave stele in Cairo bearing a short hieroglyphic inscription, almost
illegible, which mentions the owner's name, without further identification.121
This stele, which will be further discussed below, is attributed by Kamal to
the Antonine or Severan period, on stylistic grounds. Quite different from
any of the above stelae is a curious stucco plaque of mixed style in Hildes-
heim, inspired by Egyptian temple reliefs and dated by Roeder to the
second-third century A.D.122 It bears precise but incorrect and scarcely in-
telligible hieroglyphs.
Very few hieroglyphic inscriptions on mummies or coffins have been
found that can be definitely assigned to a date later than the first century
A.D., when tomb furniture was fast disappearing. While the usual tra-
ditional scenes from the Book of the Dead continued in the early Roman
period to be painted on the cartonnage surrounding mummy masks, and
on other mummy accessories, in pure Egyptian style, they are seldom
any longer accompanied by hieroglyphic inscriptions, and when hieroglyphs
do appear on these objects they are stock formulae seldom containing the
name of the owner, who is often identified in demotic or Greek.123 The frag-
mentary shroud in Philadelphia mentioned above,124 which has an extensive
border band of very debased hieroglyphic, seems to be quite exceptional in
this regard.
By means of association with datable hieroglyphic inscriptions or indi-
rectly by means of hieroglyphic associated with datable demotic, palaeog-
17
raphy may sometime bring more tangible evidence to bear on the problem
of whether our bed should be assigned to the period of the later Roman Em-
pire. It is unlikely, however, that such evidence will be forthcoming in view
of the scarcity of comparable painted hieroglyphic inscriptions. The general
clumsiness of the hieroglyphs and the absence of titles and patronymics for
the two personal names suggest a comparatively late period, but any at-
tempt to show that the bed is later than the second century must rest mainly
on iconography and general style. On both these counts the human figures
are of first importance, although very little comparative material exists.
18
6. lconographic Considerations
Senenteris' tunic, with its conspicuous clavi, deserves our first attention.
In spite of the sketchiness of the drawing it is clear that the length of its
skirt, which is about to the middle of the calf, is intentional, for this length
is consistent in the various figures and is slightly longer than Herty's. The
lady's tunic is, like his, always white. The clavi are visible in unbroken lines
from shoulder to hem; the neckline is angular, and the sleeves are elbow-
length and rather narrow. One (only) of her tunics shows three horizontally
curved bands in front (PL VIII). These bands cannot be easily explained as
other than ornamental, but I have found no representations of tunics of the
Roman period showing a similar arrangement of bands, with a single doubt-
ful exception ;125 over this puzzling tunic she seems to wear a mantle falling
behind from the shoulders and leaving the whole length of the front of the
tunic visible. She seems to wear a mantle in the same manner again (PL VI),
but in yet another place (PL IX) she wears a scarf with the middle section
passing diagonally over her breast, one end over her left shoulder, and the
other end over her right arm. This manner of wearing a scarf resembles the
dress of the lady seen on a shroud in Cairo considered by Edgar to be later
than the middle of the third century.126 It also resembles that of the lady on
the remarkable shroud in the Metropolitan Museum, called Antonine by
Reinach but probably later.127 In her remaining two appearances (Pis. X,
XII) Senenteris clearly wears nothing over her tunic. Her coiffure is un-
clear, but in Plate XII it seems to have a centre part and tight waves drawn
to the back of the head, and it is probably the same in her other appear-
ances. Jewellery, with the possible exception of earrings with her unusual
dress in Plate VIII, is not indicated, doubtless on account of the small scale.
This white tunic, ungirt, straight, and comparatively short, at once sug-
gests that the human beings shown on our bed lived during the later Roman
Empire. It must be admitted that among the limited number of paintings,
mosaics, and sculptures of the Roman world in which one may look for this
type of dress there are third-century figures wearing tunics constricted by a
girdle or partly obscured by a mantle draped, according to a time-honoured
fashion, over the left shoulder and pulled across the front of the waist,
and there are some whose tunics fall to the ground. In view of the scarcity
of comparable material it may seem hazardous to affirm that the particular
style worn by Senenteris did not appear earlier.128 1 can only say that after
considerable searching I have been unable to find any earlier examples.
Representations of ladies of second-century Egypt and earlier generally
have longer skirts and have the waist either girdled or enveloped in a
mantle. For example, one can contrast our lady with the following second-
19
century ladies: a female statue in Alexandria,129 the lady of the Tuna el-
Gebel tomb-painting,130 and the Demeter in a Fayum house-painting.131
There is also the elaborate type of moulded and painted mummy cartonnage
found at Akhmim and dated not later than the second century, which indi-
cates in a conventional and ambiguous way a feminine costume definitely
constricted at the waist and with a mantle over the shoulders.132 Since
mummy-portraits and surviving jewellery, toilet articles, and textiles show
that even in Upper Egypt ladies of later Roman times belonged to a cosmo-
politan world, it may be relevant to mention the frequent long, girdled
feminine dress in Roman paintings such as the second-century figure of
Mirra in the Vatican.133 On the other hand, the simple ungirt shorter tunic
appears in representations of the third century or later, when for the first
time new fashions of wearing the mantle often exposed the tunic at the
waist, or no mantle at all was worn over it. This new wide tunic with con-
spicuous, unbroken clavi appears as both a masculine and a feminine gar-
ment in a tomb-painting at El-Bagawat, Kharga Oasis, dated to about the
middle of the fourth century but perhaps somewhat earlier.134 It is the gar-
ment that is worn by both sexes in the paintings of the catacombs of Rome
belonging to about the same period.135 I have already suggested that the
Metropolitan Museum female shroud with similar costume probably should
be dated to the third century. A wall-painting in Rome dated to the third
century shows Ulysses' Penelope wearing an ungirt tunic with clavi, and no
mantle.136 The observation that Senenteris' costume is always white may be
of little significance, but the late mummy-portraits of women certainly show
a high incidence of white tunics, while those of the first and second cen-
turies are generally coloured, in contrast to the masculine tunic which is al-
ways white.137
It is strange that the clavi do not usually appear on Herty's tunic, for at
least during the first six centuries of the Christian era this style of dress
ornament seems to have been generally used in Egypt both for masculine
and for feminine wear. One is tempted to speculate whether Herty's pre-
sumably foreign blood (see p. 13, above) might not have affected his taste
in dress. In any case, the absence of the clavi makes it more difficult to
guess what kind of garment the artist intended to show over the tunic, or
whether the latter was worn without any overgarment at all.138 But the
looseness and the apparent absence of both girdle and enveloping mantle139
in Herty's costume would also suggest a late date, for the loose, ungirt
tunic seems to have come into fashion at about the same time for men and
for women.140
I have mentioned that in one of his appearances (PI. X) Herty may per-
haps be wearing a toga. If so, it is of the late type familiar from the Vatican
bust of Philip the Arab (244-249), 141 who wears a toga with wide stiff fold
(tabula) across the front, from the left shoulder to the right arm-pit. An
anonymous full-length statue in the Alexandria Museum142 wears a toga
20
with the same stiff tabula, and the costume is of about the same length as
that of the figure of Herty in question. Petrie calls the garment worn by a
figure on a painted mummy-cloth from Hawara "a white toga with a stole
of black and colours."143 Whether or not this identification is correct the
object is certainly late work, and the transverse lines across the breast as
well as the drapery over the left arm resembles our figure. I have also
mentioned a crude round-topped stele in Cairo from Abydos, attributed to
the Antonine or Severan period.144 The male owner of this stele, who is
shown frontally between Osiris and Anubis, wears a garment which Kamal
calls a toga. If toga it is indeed, its wide straight diagonal fold across the
breast, again resembling our costume in its general lines, would date it to
the third century, to which it should probably be assigned on stylistic
grounds. Like these two examples from Hawara and Abydos our costume
cannot be considered a toga with complete confidence.
Even if the artist did not have a toga in mind, this particular figure on
our bed does suggest a late date. Its sketchy lines could scarcely have been
intended to depict the fashions of wearing the mantle generally illustrated
in painting and sculpture of the early Empire. But it might represent a
mantle folded or gathered lengthwise at the upper edge, passed diagonally
across the chest, over the left shoulder and under the right arm-pit, and
hanging down at the right side of the body, as seen on the Kom Abou
Billou stelae (late third-early fourth century).145 The mantle worn by
Herty in his next appearance to the right (PL IX) seems to be draped
around the neck and to fall behind and over the left arm, another style
which came into vogue in the late Empire.146
Scarcely any painting on tomb walls has survived from Roman Egypt,
and even less which contains mythological scenes in the pharaonic tradition.
The inadequately published tomb paintings of Akhmim and Qau el-Kebir
are probably later than the well-known Tuna el-Gebel tomb paintings of
mixed style,147 and are of the greatest importance in the present study. At
both Akhmim and Qau el-Kebir they are now almost completely destroyed.
Bissing has recently drawn attention to them in two articles on the Akhmim
tombs, based on his notes taken on visits to the site in 1897 and 1913. 148
Vestiges of the Qau el-Kebir paintings are photographed in Steckeweh
and Steindorff, Die Filrstengrdber von Qaw, where a fully surviving figure
of the deceased is shown in an ungirt tunic with clavi and a mantle
draped over both shoulders (PI. 22a). These paintings were described by
Nestor l'Hote,149 who visited the site early in the nineteenth century. He
wrote that they contained scenes from Egyptian funerary mythology of the
usual sort (Osiris, the deceased on a lion-bed attended by Isis and Nephthys,
Anubis, the psychostasis, etc.), all without inscriptions, and that the ceilings
and parts of the walls were decorated with Hellenic designs, such as vines
and garlands. Bissing remarks on the close similarity between the paintings
of the two sites.
21
Like those of Qau el-Kebir, the Akhmim tombs displayed traditional
Egyptian scenes, in which their owners were represented among the gods.
These humans are not among the drawings shown in Bissing's two publica-
tions, and are not described in detail, but they are several times mentioned
as wearing Roman dress, and in one instance the man's costume is called a
Graeco-Roman tunic.150 The traditional Egyptian scenes show Roman in-
fluence, particularly in some interesting conceptual details, and as at Qau
el-Kebir pure Hellenic motifs were employed in other parts of the decora-
tion. At Akhmim the rare inscriptions indicated that hieroglyphic was still
understood by those who were responsible for their execution. Many of the
same subjects occurred in the religious scenes as on our bed: the psychos-
tasis, Shu emerging from the earth, files of deities, the mummy on a lion-
bed attended by Isis and Nephthys, the Goddess of the Sycamore Tree, etc.
Describing one of the tombs which he visited in 1913, Bissing writes: "Sur
les parois de l'antichambre, on voit le mort en priere devant Thot, Anubis
et deux groupes de quatre divinites, les unes a tete de faucon, les autres a
tete de serpent."151 In view of the poor condition of the paintings and their
crudeness (both noted by Bissing), is it possible that the "falcons" could
have been frogs, and that the ogdoad was represented here?
The Akhmim tombs were visited by Rostovtzeff, who attributed them to
the second or third century, on the evidence of their Greek decoration, i.e.
dados, ceiling patterns, etc., and especially the floral scatter-pattern
("Streumuster").152 Bissing suggests that the tomb containing this particu-
lar pattern, a tomb in which no pagan scenes were found, might have be-
longed to a Christian.153
Although similar in so many respects to the scenes on our bed, the Akh-
mim scenes were apparently more Hellenic both in subject and in style.
But the occasional innovations in their representational details might be
explained, according to Bissing, as mere changes in the manner of picturing
traditional themes. In the Tuna el-Gebel tomb, which is probably to be
dated to the second century, the ancient Egyptian gods appear with the
deceased in many of the old Osirian scenes, but certain parts of the paint-
ings, notably her purification by Thoth and Anubis (a divine act formerly
reserved for kings), illustrate doctrines based on the old beliefs and adapted
to changing concepts of the Graeco-Roman world.154 On the other hand, the
many aberrations from tradition in the scenes of our bed seem to have been
caused more by ignorance than by lack of orthodoxy. Perhaps a proper
study of the inscription beneath one of the lion's heads (PL III) might dis-
close an unorthodox idea, but the scenes and the rest of the accompanying
legends scarcely suggest this possibility. The Deir el-Bahari mummies and
the Deir el-Medina masks (see below) lend further support to the view that
at Thebes there was a substantial group of people who clung to the old be-
liefs until a very late period, and that these beliefs persisted in the funerary
customs with very little change except natural degeneration.
7. Stylistic Considerations
In Section 6 I have indicated that the dress of Herty and Senenteris can
scarcely be earlier than the third century, and that a late date for our bed is
supported by comparison of its mythological scenes with the Akhmim
tomb-paintings of the late Roman period, where comparable subjects were
accompanied, at least occasionally, by intelligible hieroglyphic inscriptions.
An attempt will now be made to show that general considerations of style
would also suggest a very late date for our bed. The discussion will be based
mainly on the representation of the human figures.
The famous tomb of Petosiris,155 in the same cemetery at Tuna el-Gebel
(Hermopolis) as the mixed-style tomb of the second century A.D. men-
tioned above (Note 147), bears witness to the early impact of Greek ideas on
traditionally Egyptian forms of expression. Petosiris, who must have been
familiar with Greek art, deliberately commissioned his Egyptian artists to
execute painted scenes in Greek style on the walls of the outer hall, or
vestibule, of his tomb, while for the chapel proper he discreetly preferred
Egyptian cult scenes in traditional style. The "Greek" scenes were arranged
in registers according to Egyptian custom, bore hieroglyphic inscriptions
and had other Egyptian features. This early experiment in the assimilation
of the two incompatible traditions was apparently unique. The upper
classes, who became rapidly Hellenized during the Ptolemaic period, repudi-
ated the native art as soon as they adopted the Greek way of life. Temple
reliefs and official portraits and decrees in the Egyptian style continued to
be turned out for the benefit of the masses. There were wavering attempts
on the part of the rulers to invent compromise forms for propaganda pur-
poses, but there is scarcely a trace of Greek influence on private native art
of the Ptolemaic period, of which few two-dimensional examples have sur-
vived except grave stelae.156 During the early Roman period, as we have
seen, a variety of mixed forms began to appear in funerary work, the result
of gradual absorption of the Hellenized upper classes by the Egyptian
masses, of disintegration of native artistic traditions, and of the spread of
Alexandrian ideas. But at first this hybrid work was artificial and full of
contradictions, and there seems to have been little natural fusion of style
until the late Roman period. To appreciate the artificiality of the hybrid
styles current in the early Roman period one might examine the second-
century Alexandrian tomb at Kom esh-Shugafa,157 where Egyptian motifs
and conventions are introduced in an arbitrary and superficial manner,
probably by Hellenized artists who understood nothing of traditional
Egyptian art or religion, working for Hellenized Egyptians or for foreign
23
devotees of a mixed Greek and Egyptian cult. Such Hellenized tombs at
Alexandria, which are more Greek than Egyptian, ought not to obscure the
fact that the ancient Egyptian funeral art survived in Upper Egypt in a
comparatively pure form until the third century. In the third century the
political and economic disintegration of the Roman Empire had brought
about renewed interest in the ancient lore, which had never completely died
out.158 Particularly at Thebes, one might suppose, would this survival have
been strong.169
The degenerate Greek grave stelae from Kom Abou Billou, forty miles
northwest of Cairo, may have a special bearing on our bed. They show con-
ventionally frontal human figures with Egyptian symbols (sejant Anubis
animals and Horus falcons). They have recently been securely dated by
coins to the late third-early fourth century.160 Edgar pointed out, long be-
fore, that the style of their human figures, with stiff frontal pose, is a late
characteristic: "The fixed custom of representing the heads of the figures in
front view is characteristic of the late period to which the stelae belong.
The history of Greek relief begins with stiffly rendered profiles and ends
with equally stiff representations in full face."161 This "late" pose is precise-
ly the kind of front-view representation seen in the human figures on our
bed, where the heads and shoulders are rigidly en face and the feet, which
carry the weight uncertainly between them, as in many of the Kom Abou
Billou stelae, are drawn one in profile solidly on the ground and the other
presenting the toes to the viewer, presumably with heel raised. It is worth
noting that in the file of deities on the front of the bed (PI. Ill) Herty is
drawn profile in the ancient Egyptian manner and in one of his two appear-
ances before the divine sycamore tree (PI. XII), he is likewise drawn profile
and is kneeling (here exceptionally in archaizing costume). In the other
scene with the tree (PI. VIII) his kneeling figure is similarly drawn except
that the head faces the viewer, as it does in all the rest of the representations
of the two humans, which are of course entirely front view. In each case our
figures conform to the conventional style of Edgar's "late" stelae. The crude
mixed-style stele from Abydos, in Cairo,162 which we have already noted as
belonging most likely to the third century, exhibits the same kind of natural-
ized frontality. Crude as they are these pieces are the forerunners of Coptic
representational art.163
The introduction of the frontal figure from the West during the early
Roman period and its subsequent naturalization into a stiff convention
existing side-by-side with the profile conventional figure is a phenomenon
which was not confined to Egypt. It is part of the gradual orientalization
of Hellenic style, which took place over a much wider area.164
In this connection it is useful to compare the rendering of our figures
with that of the female owner of the Tuna el-Gebel mixed-style tomb of the
second century A.D.166 The Tuna el-Gebel painting is much closer to the
Greek. It is comparatively free from Egyptian convention and, what would
be unthinkable in our bed, the lady is shown neither profile nor front-view
but three-quarters.
Our bed may also be compared with some unusual painted shrouds of
mixed style from Antinoe,166 which are very different in feeling although per-
haps of approximately the same date. These Antinoe shrouds show a large
central figure of the deceased and on either side of it a series of small square
panels, each square containing a mythical subject, usually a figure of a god.
The series of small figures within the squares are drawn from both Egyptian
and Greek mythology. The debased Egyptian gods are represented in tradi-
tional Egyptian profile while the Western gods are drawn en face. The few
hieroglyphs are meaningless and lifeless. The shrouds must be considered
Greek rather than Egyptian on the whole, and they seem to bear witness to
the degeneration of Greek work, and to its partial assimilation to native
work. In contrast, our bed is thoroughly Egyptian, still more degenerate but
less incongruous. Its human figures blend naturally with its other pictorial
elements.
25
8. Two Related Types of Late
Roman Burials at Thebes
Since the bed was purchased at Thebes early in the present century it is
possible that it comes from Naville's excavations at Deir el-Bahari, and
perhaps from his so-called " Coptic burials" in the rubbish mounds over
the Hatshepsut Temple, near the Coptic monastery.167 The distinctive type
of mummy which he found in these burials was also found at Deir el-Bahari
by Winlock, thirty years later.168 This Deir el-Bahari type of mummy was
provided with a crude mask of stuccoed and painted linen, moulded in relief
over the face and extending in a flat sheet as far down as the knees. The
masks are expressionless "stock portraits," whose eyes are loaded with kohl
and who wear "Byzantine" crowns. On the upper part of the flat section are
painted the tunic with clavi, the right hand holding a cup of wine and the
left a floral object. These features remind one of the painted shroud of Am-
monius from Antinoe,169 and also of the latest type of panel mummy-
portrait.170 On the lower portion of the cartonnage there is painted a de-
based Egyptian mythological group, usually, but not always, a Sokar bark
flanked by sejant Anubis animals. The Deir el-Bahari mummies are general-
ly dated to the fourth century.171
Bruyere found a family tomb of late Roman date at Deir el-Medina,
which contained five coffins with Greek epitaphs mentioning the Hellenized
names of the owners.172 On the grounds of Greek palaeography Bataille be-
lieves the tomb to be not earlier than the end of the second century and not
later than the third century, although the occurrence of "the seventeenth
year" in the date on one of the coffins would suggest the reign of Dio-
cletian. I would suggest that Diocletian is the likeliest date in the light of the
style and iconography of the associated mummy masks.173 The masks wear
floral crowns of the same type as the Deir el-Bahari mummies, and the
faces of two (executed by a different hand from the rest) also resemble
those of the Deir el-Bahari mummies. The long corkscrew locks appear on
many of the Kom Abou Billou stelae.174 The names and titles of the people
who were buried in this Deir el-Medina tomb show that paganism still
flourished at Thebes in their time.
The cartonnage masks of the six mummies found with the five coffins
(one of which contained two eleven-year-old children) in this tomb are of a
different type from those of the Deir el-Bahari mummies, in spite of the
resemblances noted. The breastplates of the Deir el-Medina masks are
shorter and are covered with common scenes from Egyptian religious myth,
unaccompanied by inscriptions. These scenes differ according to the sex of
26
the deceased : the men have winged scarabs flanked by falcons, and falcon-
headed demons; the women have lotus-flowers flanked by sejant Anubis
animals, and human-headed demons. But for both the men and the women the
paintings always prominently show Anubis embalming the deceased on a
lion-bed. The Deir el-Medina masks are clearly in the tradition of the earlier
masks, which were themselves in the Egyptian tradition, in contrast to the
panel portraits.175 While also related to these earlier masks, the Deir el-
Bahari mummies seem to have been influenced to a certain degree by the
panel-portraits.176 The two distinct but comparable types represented by the
two sites probably co-existed at Thebes at the end of the third century.
In the shaft of the tomb where the five Deir el-Medina coffins were
buried the excavators found the remains of five large beds, deliberately de-
stroyed at the time of the funeral. The beds, called simply "cinq grands lits
angareb en bois et paille tressee,"177 are not described further and are not
illustrated in the report, presumably because they had almost completely
disintegrated. Can these beds have been used to exhibit the body and to
transport it to the tomb?
Lucian (second century) testified that the dead were embalmed and kept
in the house before burial.178 Sextus Empiricus (late second century) wrote,
"But the Egyptians take out their entrails and embalm them and keep
them above ground with themselves";179 and Athanasius (fourth century),
wrote, "The Egyptians have the custom of honoring with funeral rites and
wrapping in linen shrouds the bodies of good men, and especially of the
holy martyrs; but they do not bury them in the earth, but place them on
couches and keep them with them at home, thinking in this way to honor
the departed."180 There seems to be evidence from the mummy-tickets
(second to fourth century) that there was often an interval of several
months between death and burial.181 The apparent contradiction in the
Roman period between the splendour of the richest mummies and the utter
neglect of the graves in which they were found has been thought to support
the view that the dead were kept for a long time on exhibition in the house
before burial. The mummies, moreover, showed signs of wear when exca-
vated, seeming to indicate exposure for a considerable period before
burial.182
Thus it seems likely that even as late as the fourth century the mummy
was sometimes kept in the house over a long period, and that it was dis-
played on a funerary bed during the interval between embalmment and the
funeral. One might suppose that, in the case of pagan funerals, the bed used
for exhibition of the mummy was in the tradition of the ancient lion-bed
which, as we have seen, was certainly used in connection with the funeral
rites of well-to-do private persons in Ptolemaic times, as shown by the sur-
vival of actual specimens. This lion-bed does not seem to have ever formed
part of the standard tomb equipment of private persons. But its funerary
character had always been familiar to them, and was still familiar in the
27
third century A.D., as we know from the Deir el-Medina masks and from
the Akhmim tomb paintings. After lying on the lion-bed in the house the
mummy may have lain on the same lion-bed during the funeral procession,
as is suggested by a painted shroud in the British Museum, which shows
among the background scenes a mummy lying on a lion-bed while it is
being transported to the tomb on a catafalque on wheels.183 Our bed was
perhaps used in this manner, but in some way escaped destruction at the
time of the funeral.
Bruyere observes that the destroyed beds found in the Deir el-Medina
tomb-shaft may have been connected with a rite practised in the locality
for many centuries, since the remains of beds were also found in the shafts
of certain 18th-Dynasty tombs at the same site.184 The appearance of the
lion-bed in ancient funeral scenes of the New Kingdom and later periods
would suggest that the bed which was ritually destroyed and buried in the
tomb shaft had been used in mummification, as well as for the subsequent
transportation of the body to the tomb. There is no evidence that the
mummy was kept on extended exhibition in the house before the Roman
period, when this custom probably resulted from the rapid impoverishment
and overcrowding of burials.185
28
9. Summary
Although absolute proof is lacking, the bed was almost certainly acquired
by Dr. C. T. Currelly at Thebes about 1906, during or immediately after
his association with Naville's excavations at Deir el-Bahari, and while he
was engaged in intensive collecting for the proposed museum in Toronto.
It is possible that it came from Deir el-Bahari. It probably originally pos-
sessed a canopy, like the other three surviving lion-beds (counting the Edin-
burgh baldequin). Although these three lion-beds (one certainly and the
others probably of Ptolemaic date) are the only close parallels there is no
doubt whatever that our bed belongs to the Roman period. An attempt has
been made here to show that it must have been made at least as late as the
third century.
The evidence that our bed belongs to the late Roman period is scattered,
and no single point is in itself conclusive. Nevertheless the object is suf-
ficiently complex for the following various arguments to build up a strong
case.
(1) The costume of the two humans, which varies considerably in their
thirteen different appearances, resembles in most respects the costume of the
late third century, as seen in the paintings, mosaics and statuary, while it
differs in general from the costume of the first and second centuries. Most
significant are the wide ungirt feminine tunic with clavi, the frequent ab-
sence of the mantle, the manner of draping the masculine mantle, the short
hemline, particularly of the lady's tunic, and the probability that in one of
Herty's appearances he wears a toga of the late style with tabula.
(2) The style of the two human figures represents the late "naturalized"
type of frontality, to be explained by the adoption and subsequent as-
similation of Western forms of expression which thereby became trans-
formed into new conventions harmonizing with the old oriental traditions.
This late and decadent style foreshadows the flowering of Coptic art, and is
quite distinct from a variety of earlier and more artificial blends of the two
incompatible traditions.
(3) The tombs of Akhmim and Qau el-Qebir show that prolific scenes
from traditional Egyptian mythology, with much the same repertoire as our
bed, were still being produced for funerary purposes in the third century.
The Deir el-Medina masks and the Deir el-Bahari mummies suggest that in
all likelihood this ancient funeral lore persisted still longer at Thebes. In the
third century Thebes was the centre of a renaissance of Egyptian national-
ism. It would not be surprising to find such a complex witness to the old
Osirian beliefs as the lion-bed co-existing with Christianity, which owed its
rapid rise to the same reaction against Hellenism and which, as a new re-
29
ligion, probably appealed to more intellectually emancipated elements in
the community.
(4) No serious study of the linguistic features can be attempted here. It
is probable that sufficient comparable material does not exist for dating pur-
poses. But the debasement of the hieroglyphs, the consistent occurrence of
the two personal names in their barest possible form, without titles, etc.,
and the name Senenteris itself, which appears on a mummy-ticket in
demotic and Greek, may possibly lend support to the late dating of the bed.
(5) The Deir el-Medina tomb, probably to be dated to the reign of
Diocletian, contained six painted mummy-masks each of which prominently
displays the age-old scene of Anubis embalming the mummy on a lion-bed
accompanied by Isis and Nephthys, as well as other scenes from the ancient
Egyptian religious myths. The painted cartonnage of the better known
mummies found at Deir el-Bahari carries more simplified and more debased
funerary scenes in the Egyptian tradition beneath ' 'portraits" which appear
to be impure descendants of the earlier panel-portraits, and cousins of the
fourth-century panel-portraits. The Deir el-Medina masks, the Deir el-
Bahari mummies and the Toronto bed were probably produced, within a
generation or two, for a single dwindling group of devotees. The Deir
el-Medina tomb, where the remains of five beds (corresponding presum-
ably to the five coffins in the tomb) were found in the shaft, perhaps
supplies a clue to the function of our bed, as may also the various evidence
that mummies were at this period sometimes kept on extended exhibition
in the house.
The bed must be considered an important document, because it is an ex-
tremely late and elaborate survival of private Egyptian funerary painting
and hieroglyphic script. On both counts it is probably unique. Egyptian
objects of the Roman period are notoriously difficult to date. The Akhmim
and Qau el-Kebir tomb-paintings were inadequately published and no
longer exist, and few if any other traditionally Egyptian objects comparable
to this bed can be attributed to late Roman times.
80
Notes
1. Ace. No. 910.27. Dr. Currelly's book, / Brought the Ages Home (1956), in which
he described his early collecting activities for the Museum, provides a basis for
speculation about the provenance of the bed (Chaps. 10-12, esp. pp. 161-62), but does
not mention it specifically. Among the many people whose assistance with this paper
is gratefully acknowledged I must particularly mention Professor J. W. Graham of
the Department of Fine Art, University of Toronto, and Professor R. J. Williams
of the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University College, University of
Toronto, both of whom, in reading it before the final typing, made valuable sugges-
tions and rescued me from many serious errors. I must also give special thanks to
Professor Keith C. Seele of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, for his
indispensable assistance in the keying of the hieroglyphs for printing by the Univer-
sity of Chicago Press.
2. The pine was identified by Dr. M. W. Bannan of the Department of Botany,
University of Toronto, with the aid of that department's collections. The other piece
was examined by Dr. J. D. Hale, Forest Products Research Branch, Ottawa, who
wTote: "The specimen is identified as Morus sp., probably M. mesozygia Slapf (M.
lactea Mildbraed) which has brilliant deep yellow heartwood and is currently re-
ported in Tanganyika and Uganda. Understandably dulled in colour by centuries of
aging, your specimen nevertheless yielded sections that, without any staining,
showed brilliant yellow colouration even under microscopic observation." The writer
wishes to thank both these scientists, and also Dr. W. R. Haddow of the Ontario De-
partment of Lands and Forests, through whose good offices their help was enlisted.
3. Animal-footed furniture was regularly provided with these blocks throughout
ancient Egyptian history. For early examples see Schafer and Andrae, KAO, PI. 202
(actual pieces from Tarkhan and Abydos, lst-2nd Dyn.). They must have served
originally to protect the animal-feet from uneven or soft ground (cf. Klebs, AR, p.
26). It does not seem necessary to suggest a ritual explanation, as Barnett does
for their remote Phoenician descendants (Nimrud Ivories in the B.M., p. 116). The
conical shape of the block continued to be normal for ancient representations of the
lion-bed until the Roman period, but in late examples it is sometimes extremely
distorted (e.g. Matthieu and Pavlov, Eg. Art in the Soviet Union, Fig. 21, where it is
papyriform, and an unpublished coffin in the Fitzwilliam Museum, where it is T-
shaped. A set of lion furniture-legs in the Louvre Museum (Boreux, Cat. -Guide,
II, p. 600; Charbonneaux, Merveilles du Louvre, I, p. 90) has base-blocks roughly
suggesting a cavetto cornice. This Louvre set is undated and may be as early as, but
scarcely earlier than, the fifth century B.C. It probably belonged not to a stool (as
restored) but to a lion-bed. The R.O.M. has a pair of front furniture-legs with
lions' heads and feet (Ace. No. 910.37.9, undated but probably Roman), which offer
the closest parallel I have found for our bed's "cavetto" base-blocks.
4. See, for example, the kiosk in the tomb of Ipy, Thebes, No. 217 (Davies, Two
Ramesside Tombs, PI. 29).
5. The earliest known uraeus frieze is probably the architectural example in the
81
Djoser complex at Saqqara (Lauer, La Pyramide a Degres, II, PI. 52, and III, PI. 24).
I have found no other examples of it earlier than the Middle Kingdom. It occurs in
Hathor capitals from Bubastis which are almost certainly re-used work of Sesostris
III (Naville, Bubastis, pp. 10-13, Pis. IX, XXIII-XXIV; W. S. Smith, Art and
Arch. ofAnc. Eg., p. 94) and in the wall-sculptures of the Hatshepsut temple at Deir
el-Bahari (e.g. Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, III, PI. 85). It is common in the
later New Kingdom, particularly for the shrines depicted in the wall-pictures of
temples and royal tombs (e.g. Calverley, Temple ofSethos I, III, Pis. 33, 38; Piankoff
and Rambova, Tomb of Ramesses VI, p. 440, Fig. 142). It commonly surmounts the
shrines of Osiris, the Hall of the Maaty, and the pylons of the underworld in the
vignettes of the Book of the Dead, from the New Kingdom to the Roman period.
It appears on Tutankhamun's thrones and canopic shrine (Fox, Tutankhamun 's
Treasure, Pis. 10, 42, 60), and it began to be used for the general decoration of pri-
vate tomb-furniture at the end of the New Kingdom, when it was frequently used
on coffins (e.g. Koefoed-Petersen, Cat. des sarcophages et cercueils eg., Glypt. Ny
Carlsberg, 1951, PI. 51; Eg. Mummies, R.O.M., Fig. 13). In Greek and Roman
times it was extremely common on painted shrouds and other mummy accessories
and on grave stelae.
6. There is a complete break in the frame on the left side, a major damage to the
frame's exterior at the head end of the same side, and minor damages to the deco-
rated surfaces. Losses to the pictorial decoration will be noted below in the detailed
description of the scenes. A separately carved section of the uraeus frieze, at the head
end of the right side (PI. I), differs slightly in the design and scale of the individual
units. Examination of the style, colour, wood and plain surfaces indicates that it was
probably made at the same time as the rest of the object. On the rear end of the bed
the uraeus frieze is merely painted in outline.
7. De Wit, Le role et le sens du lion dans Veg. one., esp. pp. 158-72, for a general
summary of the lion in Egyptian symbolism. See also Yoyotte's entry "Lion," in
Posener, Diet, de la civ. eg., pp. 150-52.
8. Mariette, Les mastabas de Vane, emp., pp. 83-86; Enc. phot, de Vart, Mus. du
Caire, Fig. 4; Schweitzer, Lowe und Sphinx im alten Aeg., pp. 31-32, PI. 8 (1);
Capart, Choix de documents, IV, PI. 610; W. S. Smith, Eg. Sculpt, and Painting in the
O.K., p. 15; De Wit, op. cit, p. 163.
9. The large archaizing tables of the 25th-26th Dynasty found in the Embalming
House of the Apis Bulls at Memphis (Amir in JEA, 34 [1948], 51-56, Pis. 25-27;
Anthes et al., Mit Rahineh 1955, p. 77, Pis. 42-45), seem to go back to the same
prototype, since their sides are decorated with elongated lions in relief very similar
to those of the cited alabaster examples. It is likely that these tables were actually
used in the embalming of the bulls.
10. Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten, I, Pis. 3, 4 and 9; W. S. Smith, Eg. Sculpt,
and Paintings in the O.K., p. 36; Schweitzer, Lowe und Sphinx im alten Aeg., p. 28;
Lange and Hirmer, Egypt (1957), Pis. 36-37.
11. For bull-legged furniture see Schafer and Andrae, op. cit., Pis. 202 (lst-2nd
Dyn.) and 248 (3rd-4th Dyn.), and particularly the interesting group of beds in
the painted inventory of Hesy-Re, 3rd Dyn. (Quibell, Excav. at Saqq., V, Pis. 18-
20).
12. For examples of furniture with lion's legs pictured in private tombs see Enc.
phot, de Vart, Louvre, I, PI. 19 (Akhet-hotpe), and Lepsius, Denkmaler, II, 74c
(Senedjem-ib, called Mehy), both 5th Dyn.; and the fine beds in Duell, Mast, of
Mereruka, Pis. 92-95, 6th Dyn.
13. Reisner and Smith, Tomb of Hetep-heres, PI. 26 (accurately restored by the
excavators). There is a bed-making scene in the tomb of Meresankh III (W. S.
Smith, Eg. Sculpt, and Painting in the O.K., p. 171, Fig. 67). Schweitzer (Lowe und
Sphinx im alten Aeg., p. 27) suggests that furniture with lion's legs may at first have
been used only by members of the royal family.
14. Daressy, ASAE, 16 (1916), 196 and 202; the beds are described and not il-
lustrated.
15. Petrie, Denderah, PI. 3.
16. Wb., I, 23, where only late examples with £=^ are cited. Daressy (loc. cit.)
gives the determinative ^=%) but since the Cairo font is used this may not be the
actual form of the hieroglyph in Meru's tomb. For the 5th Dyn. the corresponding
hieroglyph lacks the lion's head; e.g. in the tomb of Ty (5th Dyn.) it shows bull's
feet and no footboard, thus resembling closely the ebony bed which it "labels" in a
cabinet-shop scene (Steindorff, Das Grab des Ti, PI. 133; Montet, Anc. Emp., 308-9) ;
see also Schweitzer, Lowe und Sphinx im, alten Aeg., p. 27 (quoting Moller, Hierat.
Pal, I. 384).
17. Jequier, Frises d'objets, pp. 241-42. Similar beds are shown in process of
manufacture in tomb paintings of the 12th Dyn. One seems to have both lion's head
and tail (Newberry, Beni Hasan, 1, PI. 11).
18. Davies and Gardiner, Tomb of Antefoker, Pis. 18-19.
19. Newberry, Beni Hasan, I, PI. 29.
20. E.g. Garstang, Burial Customs, p. 123, Figs. 118, 119. Since the bed of daily
life with footboard and lion's legs was an established form in the Old Kingdom and
completely standard for the upper classes in the New Kingdom, the scarcity of evi-
dence for the existence of such beds in the Middle Kingdom may be due, at least in
part, to the accident of survival. The fine reconstructed footboard of the Kerma
beds may be mentioned here (W. S. Smith, Anc. Eg., Boston, p. 99 and Fig. 63).
21. I assume that the plain bed with bull's legs in the "death scene" on a stele in
the B.M. (Hierogl. Texts in the B.M., I, PI. 54, =Klebs, MR, p. 62, Fig. 41) was used
by the living. Perhaps the beds holding a swathed corpse on painted sarcophagi in
Cairo (Lacau, Sarcoph. ant. au Nouv. Emp., I, PI. 6) and Boston (W. S. Smith,
Anc. Eg., Boston, Fig. 48, p. 84) are also beds of daily life.
22. Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, II, Pis. 47, 51 (Hatshepsut) ; Capart,
Thebes, Fig. 52 (Amenophis III, Luxor). This type of bed survives archaisticaliy in
the Birth House at Edfu (Champollion, Mon. de l'£g., PI. 138, Ptolemy VII). The
type may go back to the early Old Kingdom, for it seems to appear as a hieroglyph
in the Pyramid Texts (Wb., II, 80, '^<t\^ t^|> pyr- 658)-
23. Davis, Tomb of Youiya and Touiyou, PI. 37; Carter and Mace, Tomb of Tut-
ankh-Amen, I, pp. 113, 115, Pis. 18, 49; 111, pp. 110-11, PI. 32A, B. See also
ancient models of beds, e.g. Hayes, Sceptre, II, pp. 202-4, Figs. 117, 118.
24. Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PI. 24; Davies, Tomb of Ramose, PI. 27;
Davies, Rock Tombs of el-Amarna, 111, Pis. 24, 33; Wilkinson, Anc. Egyptians, I,
Fig. 78 (tomb of Ramesses II); Wreszinski, Atlas, I, Pis. 207 (Kha-em-hat), 257
83
(Men-kheper). In the last-mentioned picture (Men-kheper), in addition to the bed
shown among the house furniture, there appears a bed carrying a mummiform
coffin. The latter is lower than the daily-life bed, and is without footboard or
bedding, but it lacks the lion's head and recurved tail. For N.K. beds of daily life
see also Klebs, NR, pp. 141-42.
25. Klebs, NR, p. 140 ( = Rosellini, Mon. civ., PI. 125).
26. E.g. Davies, Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re, PI. 82; Werbrouck, Pleureuses, PI. 3,
( = Nebamun, Thebes No. 17); B.M. Pap. of Hunefer, PI. 6. The first two examples
cited carry a shrine, or the mummy within a shrine, and the last carries the mummy.
Exceptionally the mummy in funeral processions lies on an ordinary bed (Theban
tomb No. 255, Ray, illustrated in Erman, Life in Anc. Eg., pp. 320-21).
27. The form scarcely changes in the wall-pictures and painted mummy acces-
sories until the Roman period. An interesting late example is that of the bed carry-
ing the falcon-headed mummy of the Meroitic king Ergamenes (JEA, 9 [1923], PI.
6). Representations of the bed on stelae and mummy trappings of private persons
who lived in Roman Egypt are too numerous to mention.
28. Chaps, lb and 151. In the papyrus vignettes, too numerous to cite, the bed is
exceptionally drawn without head, with tail only, or without either head or tail.
29. The earliest example that I have found in wall-paintings is in the tomb of
Sennofer, reign of Amenophis II (Wreszinski, Atlas, I, PI. 309; Lhote, Peinture eg.,
PI. 143).
30. Esp. Deir el-Medina. See Bruyere, Mertseger, p. 186, for list of tombs show-
ing the scene. Occasionally the bed lacks the lion's head (Deir el-Medina, Tomb
No. 2, Khabekhet).
31. The scene occasionally appears on coffins of the 19th Dyn. (coffin of Khonsu,
Cairo, = Lhote, op. cit., PI. 12). Later examples are too numerous to cite. In Greek
and Roman times the mummy is exceptionally seen lying on a true lion instead of a
lion-bed (e.g. Petrie, Denderah, PI. 26).
32. Carter and Mace, Tomb of Tut-ankh-Amen, I, pp. 110-15, Pis. 17, 18; Fox,
Tutankhamun's Treasure, PI. 7B (for detail, lion's head).
33. Cairo No. 3833. Davis, Maspero and Daressy, Tomb of the HarmMbi and
Touatankhamanou, Nos. 12, 13, 15, 16, 22; Engelbach (ed.), Introd. to Eg. Archaeol-
ogy, p. 101; Brief Description (Cairo Mus., 1946), p. 80; Klebs, NR, p. 140. A Hathor
bed appears among gifts presented to the queen in the wall-pictures of an official of
Hatshepsut (Save-Soderbergh, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs, p. 4, PI. 3).
34. See Notes 8 and 10, above.
35. Carter and Mace, Tomb of Tut-ankh-Amen, I, PI. 62. The same type of royal
chair, or throne, appears in wall-pictures of the New Kingdom, e.g. the scene in the
tomb of Kheruef showing the king in his audience chamber (Lange and Hirmer,
Egypt, 1957, PI. 152), and the carrying chair of Tuthmosis III, Hatshepsut Temple
(Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, V, PI. 124).
36. The bronze "lion-thrones" of the Persian period in Berlin {Mon. Piots, 256
[1921-22], pp. 361-64) and Copenhagen (Mogensen, Coll. eg., Glypt. Ny Carlsberg,
A200, PI. 35) represent an interesting late survival of this symbolism in a form of
cult object from the temple of the lion-god at Leontopolis.
37. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, Fig. 18.
38. Winlock, Temple of Hibis, III, PI. 4, 20; Mariette, Denderah, IV, Pis. 68, 70,
72, 90; Champollion, Mon. de Vftg., I, PI. 90 (Philae).
84
39. Amelineau, Tombeau d'Osiris, Pis. 3, 4; Schweitzer, Lowe und Sphinx im
alten Aeg., p. 65, PI. 14.
40. Roeder and Ippel, Denkm. des Pelizaeus-Mus., pp. 23, 135, No. 1277 (not
illustrated) . The bed is dated (loc. tit.) by implication to the New Kingdom but is
without provenance or other specific means of identification. Its published length is
only 88 cm., but since the frame and webbing are restored it may well have been
life-size originally. The bronze lion's heads and the wooden lion's feet, which I have
studied from an original photograph, stylistically suggest a date earlier than the
Ptolemaic period.
41. Cairo No. 3263, length 225 cm. Maspero, Art in Eg. (1912), pp. 287-88, Fig.
559; idem, Guide du visiteur (Cairo Mus., 1914), pp. 305-6, Fig. 85; Leibowitch,
Anc. Eg. (1938), pp. 179-80, Fig. 126; Brief Description (Cairo Mus., 1946), pp.
68-69; Capart, Choix de Documents, IV, PI. 798 (a). The coffin which is stated to
belong with this bed (Leibowitch, loc. cit.; Brief Description, loc. cit.) is that of "Pa-
nedjem-ib, called Tutu, Second Prophet of Min," dated to the Ptolemaic period.
I can find no reference to an inscription on the bed itself. Its style, particularly the
Nephthys acroterion illustrated in Maspero's Guide (loc. cit.), points to this period.
Presumably the exact place of discovery supported Maspero's dating, since in his
report of his unsystematic excavations at Akhmim he seems at least to distinguish
between Roman, Ptolemaic and earlier graves (Bissing, ASAE, 50 [1950], 549-51;
Leclerq, in Diet, d'arch. chret., I, pp. 1042-45, where Maspero's report in Academy,
No. 693 [1885] is quoted).
42. Berlin Museum No. 12708; Ausfuhrliches Verzeichnis, p. 359, Fig. 71; Vlade-
mar Schmidt, Sarkofager, Mumiekister, og Mumiehylstre i det gamle Aegypten, p. 71,
No. 369. The Berlin bed also has a vaulted roof, uraeus frieze and file of ajoure
seated figures. Its hieroglyphic inscription was copied from an M.K. sarcophagus.
43. Rhind and Birch, Facsimiles of Two Papyri Found in a Tomb at Thebes, PI.
IV, Fig. 1; idem, Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, Frontispiece; Capart, Choix de
Documents, IV, PI. 798 (b) ; Maspero, Art in Eg., pp. 287-88. Maspero (loc. cit.) at-
tributes this bed to the Ptolemaic period.
44. For examples of hieroglyphic private names recorded on grave stelae of the
Roman period see: Spiegelberg, Dem. Denkm., I, Nos. 22094, 31159, both inscribed
in both hieroglyphic and demotic; Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom. Nos. 22208, 22211;
Guide to Eg. Gal., Sculp., B.M. (1909), Nos. 1061, 1062. Grave stelae of this period
sometimes have the personal names written only in demotic or Greek, even when
they contain a funerary formula in hieroglyphic. The only private stele I have found
with a name in hieroglyphic that can certainly be dated later than the end of the first
century is Kamal, op. cit., No. 22208 (called Antonine or Severan), which will be
discussed below. The scarcity of hieroglyphic names on coffins, cartonnage and other
decorated mummy accessories of the Roman period can be judged by a general
survey of Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins. Along with short, often illegible stock formulae
in hieroglyphic the owner's name is sometimes written only in Greek or demotic on
the same or on an associated object. Scott-Moncrieff (Paganism and Christianity in
Eg., pp. 23-25) observed the general disintegration of hieroglyphic at the end of the
second and the beginning of the third century, especially the disappearance of
private names. A graffito at Dakka dated (on palaeographic grounds?) to the third
century contains the hieroglyphic name of a local priest of Isis, and those of his
father and mother. One at Philae containing the hieroglyphic name of another priest
35
may also be late. (Griffith, Cat. of the Dem. Graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus, Dak. 30/2,
Ph. 436. 1 owe knowledge of these inscriptions to Professor Williams.)
45. Univ. Mus. Bull, 6 (May 1936), pp. 118-20 and PL 5 (initialed M.M.C.);
Ranke, Univ. Mus. Bull, 15 (Nov. 1950), pp. 92-93 (unillustrated) . The owner's
name is rendered by Ranke, "Hor, son of Har-sa-Aset, born of Tadikhety(?)."
Ranke calls the shroud Late Roman but no support for the attribution is given in
this brief notice. The piece has been assembled and sewn together from several frag-
ments in modern times. Most of the object is clearly from the right-hand bottom
portion of the shroud, which showed a large mummiform figure and was bordered at
the bottom and side with a band of hieroglyphs. For general design it may be com-
pared with the similar but uninscribed B.M. shroud cited in Note 183, below.
46. Gardiner, Wilbour Papyrus, A 58, 41, see esp. Vol. VI (Index), p. 24; Ranke,
Personennamen, II, 307, 29. The name is vocalized Heroti by Gardiner, and tran-
scribed hrt by Ranke.
47. Ranke, Personennamen, I, 116, 5 ( = Louvre, Apis Stele, 144).
48. Spiegelberg, Dem. Denkm., 11, No. 30619, Col. Ill, 1.7. I owe this reference
to Professor Williams.
49. Spiegelberg, Aeg. und griech. Eigennamen, No. 265. Dr. H. De Meulenaere
kindly gave me this reference many years ago. On reading over my paper Professor
Williams has noted the reference to the same mummy-ticket in Preisigke, Sammel-
buch griech. Urk. aus Aeg. (1915-55), I, 4192; and has also noted there two other
occurrences of the name Senenteris in Greek only: Preisigke, op. cit., Ill, 7043, 7060.
See Wb., IV, 83, for this writing of ntrw in Graeco-Roman times.
50. The names compounded pS-sry-n ("the son of" and t3-srytrn(t) ("the
daughter of") followed by the name of a deity are common in hieroglyphic (Late
Period to Graeco-Roman), and are extremely common in their demotic and Greek
(^ev and Hev) forms. Most closely resembling t3-sryt-n(t)-ntrw are the demotic and
Greek names corresponding to the following: t3-sryt-n(t)-p3-ntr, "the daughter of the
god" (Spiegelberg, Aeg. und griech. Eigennamen, No. 291; Griffith, Cat. of the Dem.
Graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus, Bij 14) ; t3-sryt-n(t)-p3-n-ntr "the daughter of him who
belongs to god" (Hall, PSBA, 27 [1905], 117, No. 43); and p3-sry-n-n3-ntrw, "the
son of the gods" (Lichtheim, Dem. Ostraca from Medinet Habu, 137/5; Wangstedt,
Ausgewahlte dem. Ostraka 37/1 and 37/5, dated A.D. 49). I have found no examples
of these closely related names in hieroglyphic. For the general date of the mummy-
tickets see Spiegelberg, Aeg. und griech. Eigennamen, Part j8, p. 2. Professor Williams
provided me with the references to Griffith, Lichtheim and Wangstedt among the
above variants of the name, and has corrected Hall's rendering from the Greek
(loc. cil).
51. This name is common in demotic and Greek. It occurs in hieroglyphic on a
Ptolemaic(?) stele (Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., No. 22148) and in the third century
graffito at Dakka mentioned at the end of Note 44, above. 1 have not found it in
Ranke, Personennamen.
52. The <=> is clearly the first sign in the column. ^^ may appear as determi-
native for rsw in the Graeco-Roman period (Wb., II, 454).
53. Gardiner, Grammar, I 13. This sign may be crowned with the horns and solar
disk of Hathor-lsis (cf. Kamal, Steles ptol et rom., No. 22197).
36
54. £> has the value r in this period, e.g. Wb., IV, 524, <==>^ , Greek period,
"Ij*3^ ; Hall> P55A» 27 (1905)> 87> No- 33, f&>^@; Kama1' °P- dL> No-
22197, | .
55. The signs following t3-sryt-n(t)-ntrw may represent it n tS-Sst, with the same
meaning as the bottom of the corresponding columns on the opposite side.
56. There are fifteen gates in Chap. 146 of the Saite recension (Naville, Todten-
buch, p. 173).
57. Cf. C. H. S. Davis, Book of the Dead, Pis. 65-67 ( = Lepsius, Todtenbuch).
Only thirteen of the fifteen guardians in the Turin papyrus cited here are accom-
panied by serpents, but the two species are shown.
58. Baldwin Smith, Eg. Architecture, p. 47.
59. The name could be Sp, of which only s=o is probable, the other signs
being lost. The headdress is perhaps the double crown. The epithet below perhaps
reads ^*fL. Could this signify n^f n tf-ft (cf. Wb., II, 370, f-^N/110 nd,
meal, grain; and Wb., II, 240, (Twlc^) nb, a Greek-period word with the same
meaning) . The god carries a falcon-headed censer and a libation vessel from which
liquid flows to an offering-table.
60. Doubtfully read jfe> fjjA . For Horus-Aha, Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., No.
22049. For Aha as a divine epithet, Wb., 1, 216, and as a demon in the form of Bes,
Wb., 1, 217, and Bonnet, Reallexikon, p. 103.
61. Identification very doubtful, based on the possible reading of the hiero-
glyphs as /\ , with uraeus on forehead.
62. The names of these two human-headed goddesses are very clumsily written
but seem to be |~] rv and r rx respectively. The latter has an epithet which 1
cannot identify. It seems to end in ^^ , which reminds one of the epithet cbwtt,
athe horned one" (Wb., I, 174; the other signs do not bear this out).
63. Vv Y fl | • I have not found this epithet elsewhere except in combination
with the more usual $3 Sst (Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., Index of gods, v\ y | t\
64. The signs are perhaps TT rx .
65. The name seems to consist of two signs only, of which the upper is possibly
D and the lower is almost certainly | (p3 c3 ?).
66. Jequier, Considerations sur les religions eg., p. 49 and Figs. 18, 19. Others, for
example, in tomb of Sennofer, Sheikh Abd el Qurnah, and tomb of Sennedjem, Deir
el-Medina, both well illustrated in Lhote, Peinture eg., Pis. 143, 149. See also
Kamal, op. cit., Nos. 22038, 22054, etc.
37
67. Filling the space between the back of the god's chair and the skirt of the
goddess behind him, and hence far removed from his name ^3^> ] ji s , is a group
of signs perhaps to be read -p|- jj (or -p|- | jf ?) styt, the name for the sanctu-
ary of Sokar, used also as a name or epithet for the god himself (Wb., IV, 559).
68. *~T "the Great One," see Wb., 1, 163, where <3t is listed only "als Titel von
Gottinen." I have found no reference to it there or elsewhere as the name of a
specific goddess.
69. The name of the goddess seems to be written ^JU^Tf
70. The djed is labelled wsir, with s alone of four component signs certain.
71. I cannot recognize the name, which is probably identifiable.
72. The name is lost. She has an epithet nb(t) . . . , probably identifiable.
73. For mr nfr see Brugsch, Hieroglyph.-dem. Worterbuch, III, 760. The name
of Osiris (occasionally other gods as well) was sometimes written within a cartouche,
from at least as early as the 19th Dynasty, and this practice was common in the late
periods, e.g. Boreux, Cat.-Guide (Louvre, 1932), II, p. 302, PI. 41; Edwards and
Shorter, Handbook to the Eg. Mummies and Coffins Exhibited in the B.M., p. 38;
Koefoed-Petersen, Cat. des sarcophages et cercueils eg. (Glypt. Ny Carlsberg), No.
19; Murray, ZAS, 44 (1907), 62 ff., PI. 4; Sethe, Amun, p. 87.
74. Chaps. 38, 54-57, 60, 61. The only instance I have found of the sail being
carried by a god is in the late coffin of <(M . ljs\ ^ i in the Louvre, where the
Sokar falcon offers a sail to the owner (unpublished?).
75. J6quier, Considerations surles religions eg., pp. 53-54; Vandier Religion eg., p.
188, Note 4.
76. Reading the signs j? [ 1 ^ nbt nhmt, for Hathor in Ptolemaic (Wb., II, 297) .
For J) nbt in Ptolemaic (Wb., II, 227 and II, 232).
77. This portly, scantily dressed figure is perhaps labelled f* * * (h
misplaced, substituted for t, n). ^ = p in Ptolemaic, e.g., Drioton in Piankoff,
Livre du jour et de la nuit, p. 104; Wb. I, 505, vT pw.
78. Possibly the name is written w . There seems to be an epithet below.
O <z±
79. The name seems to be written -"■£-, but the flaming pots support the identi-
fication, and ^= would seem an easy slip for ' \.
80. The name is written U rx .
81. Clearly ^ ^ } fyrt. This occurs in the Greek period as a name for Isis (Wb.,
Ill, 142).
82. Thoth's name is written (1 | here and elsewhere on the bed, cf. Wb., V, 606,
l\M (Ptol.). Horns' name seems to be written _fe> | . The balance is extremely
distorted, and its chains spread outward in an unnatural curve. It resembles the
fragmentary balance (not a harp!) of the Philadelphia shroud (Note 45, above).
83. Bissing, ASAE, 50 (1950), 572 and PI. 1; idem, JDAI, 61-62 (1946-47), 4.
See also Leemans Pap. eg. fun. hierogl., TI, PI. 10.
84. They do not seem to be named. In the Book of the Dead they are usually
named Shay and Ernutet, when two are shown, and Meskhent when only one (cf . a
similar brick on the other side of the bed, PI. IX). The name apparently belongs to
the cynocephalus and is probably (I | Thoth (see Note 82, above).
85. For a closely similar Sokar falcon wearing a menat, see Koefoed-Petersen,
op. tit., No. 20, p. 43, PI. 95.
86. Jtlfl "/V , snty ntr. For l = sn in the Ptolemaic period cf. Wb., IV, 506,
$ '£l8^ S»CJ IV, 520, Hj^^, snty; IV, 515, |^^S»n, etc., etc.
87. Wb., IV, 519, X }§* . Lepsius, Todtenbuch, Chap. 84, heading, where
the vignette shows a heron-like bird.
88. The scene appears in the vignettes to Chapters 1 b and 151 b of the Book of
the Dead, where the beds sometimes show and sometimes do not show any mattress
or cushioning. The decoration of one of the late Roman masks from Deir el-Medina
discussed below (see Note 172) shows similar bedding. Beds of daily life were shown
with mattresses, featherbeds or cushioning from the Old Kingdom on, e.g. Duell,
Mast, of Mereruka, Pis. 92-95 (6th Dyn.) ; Jtequier, Frises d'objects, p. 242 (M.K.) ;
Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PI. 24 (18th Dyn.). See also Klebs, N.R., p. 14.
89. Milne, JEA, 14 (1928), 230; Bell, JEA, 34 (1948), 82.
90. The name of a general and governor under Julius Caesar (Oxford Classical
Diet., p. 431). Professor F. M. Heichelheim has suggested to me that Hirtius, an
indigenous Latin name, would stem from central or north Italy. Professor R. J.
Williams has pointed out to me that Herty could scarcely represent a Greek name
as the Greek aspirate is not strong enough to be transliterated with an Egyptian h;
and that it might possibly represent a Semitic name, since the Semitic aspirate is
stronger. Aretas would be theoretically possible though unlikely. There seems to be
little indication of "northern" types in the mummy panel-portraits (cf. Petrie,
Roman Portraits and Memphis IV, p. 14).
91. ^z^j%{^4 The fetish sign is clearly recognizable (Grammar, R 17). The
writing with Pm is Graeco-Roman, Wb., I, 9, cf. Wb., V, 228.
92. The upper part of the god's figure is lost, together with his name. There is an
unidentified epithet, which might possibly be the same as that for the falcon-headed
god, front of bed, upper register, second in the right-hand file (Note 59, above).
93. The head is lost, but the name is preserved ,=j^-c^|'[ . This name must
be a corruption of - B^f^te , cm-mwt (Wb., I, 184). The form of the
monster and its pedestal are common in late examples of the scene, except for the
serpent's tail and the knives, for which 1 have found no parallels.
94. All that survives of the name is the last two signs, 0^ , cf . the bricks on
the opposite side of the bed (PI. VII), above. There is room for a second brick above
89
this one, in the damaged area, but it is probable that there was only one (see Note
84, above).
95. Most of the god's head is lost but the neck is unmistakable. The name is also
lost, and 1 cannot identify the epithet ( ^7 1 1 J.).
96. See p. 27, below.
97. See p. 24, below.
98. The floral objects held by the pair both here and in their next appearance to
the left may be branches, for which 1 have found no parallel except, perhaps, in the
late shroud shown in Petrie, Roman Portraits and Memphis IV, p. 15 and PI. 12
(called a "branch of herbs"). They are more likely to be identified with the object
held in the left hand in the late Deir el-Bahari mummy-cartonnages (see Note 167,
below), which are surely always the same thing, whether called "wheat," "garland,"
or "posy," and which seem to me to bear a striking resemblance to the more clearly
delineated "flower surrounded by leaves" of the portrait of Ammonius from Antinoe
(see Note 169, below). The indirect identification of our objects with the bouquet
held by Ammonius is supported by the two-handled cup held in the right hand of all
the cited examples (but not by our pair!). See also the woman holding wreath (?)
and cup in a Cairo late Roman(?) mixed-style relief, Edgar, Greek Sculp., No. 27539.
Our "bouquets" seem to be tied with streaming ribbons.
99. The name is probably Jl s . The god wears the white crown, carries the was
sceptre, and wears a mankhet counterpoise. The figure and its accessories are the
same as the Osiris in the upper register on the front of the bed. The projection of a
skirt in front of the mummy wrappings is a peculiar feature of all three standing
mummiform gods, and is the god's costume shown by Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., 11,
Fig. 66 on PI. 79 (diagrams of the various types of dress of the Graeco-Roman stelae).
101. See pp. 26-27. IJerty's name is written with M standing alone on his left.
102. Chapter 15-16 of the Book of the Dead. This scene and the scene with
Shu, to the left (Note 104, below), are shown together in many of the papyri.
Nephthys is often accompanied by the "west" symbol and Isis by the "east''
symbol.
103. The animal is the Anubis form (Grammar, E 16). Wep-wa wet's specific form
as god of Asyut is a standing jackal (or wolf), but he was assimilated to Anubis, at
least as early as the temple of Sety I at Abydos. The knife, an unusual feature,
might be explained by the emphasis on Wep-wawet's warlike characteristics in
Roman times. Wep-wawet, called Macedon by the Greeks, and Anubis were then
known as the two warrior sons of Osiris (Diodorus, I, 18), and the two jackal-headed
guardian figures equipped as Roman soldiers in a tomb at Kom esh-Shugafa are
probably to be identified with these same gods (Rowe, BSRAA, 35 [1942], 25 and PI.
11; Bissing, Alte Orient, 34 [1936], 19).
104. See Note 102, above. The two signs on the upper right are surely ^Ql ^^
rc nb, cf . the *fc HCL | m tne corresponding position of the same scene in the Louvre
Pap. No. 3082 ( = Davis, Book of the Dead, PI. 4). Shu's name is below, if it is possible
40
to read it in , s(c)w CS(?). On the god's other side is a group of signs be-
ginning | A ntr c3, with the rest illegible, possibly ^ — T ^ , m w8st(?), cf. Bonnet,
Reallexikon, p. 788, where "the Great One of Thebes" is mentioned as an epithet for
Shu-Khonsu in late Theban texts.
- 1 m , !<"■
106. In Chapter 161 the doors are usually shown in pairs with each representa-
tion of the god facing inwards. The action, with arms stretched high and low, gives
an effect which is strikingly similar to our scene. The names of the two gods are
written above: on the right l)M 1 (?) and on the left ^ C 1 (?).
107. Sandals with either long or short lacing are often indicated in late Roman
painting, e.g. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms, p. 99. Herty's footwear
may particularly be compared with the clearly drawn footwear of the male figure
in the third-century painted tomb at Marwa, Trans Jordan, QDAP, 9 (1939-41),
PI. 1. Since it is indicated on the leg in this case by both a wash of darker colour and
by line one may speculate whether Herty and his lady wore boots and shoes or wore
socks beneath sandals, such as the knitted socks of Roman date from the Fayum in
the Royal Ontario Museum, which have the divided toe necessary for wear with
ancient sandals. The feminine footwear shown on the M.M.A. shroud (Note 127,
below) perhaps represents a sandal worn over a short sock rather than a shoe, as is
suggested by the arrangement of the jewelled toe-strap and by the clearly drawn
toes.
108. For a full account of the ogdoad's history and connections see Sethe, Amun
und die acht Urgotter (1929). See also Anthes' recent account in Kramer, Mytholo-
gies of the Anc. World, pp. 65-68. The four primordial pairs of male and female
deities belonged originally to the Hermopolitan myth of the creation of the world.
They were adopted by Thebes in the late periods and it was there, apparently, that
they received their frog (m) and serpent (f) forms. They appear in the Ptolemaic
and Roman temples of Dendera, Edf u, Philae, Karnak, Deir el-Medina and Medinet
Habu, which are practically the only source of information about them. They were
worshipped at Medinet Habu, where they were supposed to have been buried while
continuing to exercise power over man and nature. Their usual names were Nun
and Naunet (primordial ocean), Huh and Hauhet (flowing water), Kuk and Kauket
(darkness), and Amun and Amaunet (air or space).
109. The top of the upper sign is lost in a damage caused by the medial strut and
must have touched, or overlapped with, the "sky" band (which is also touched by
the heads of the two figures at the left end). Are there known parallels, in association
with the ogdoad, to support the suggestion? Is the relationship of Thoth to the
ogdoad at Hermopolis of any significance here? Thoth was known as "He who is in
the ogdoad" (Sethe, op. cit., p. 81), and in the Ptolemaic period as "the Intelligence
of Re" (Wb., 1, 59, ib n rc). "V* lb could be written ^> in the Ptolemaic period (Wb.,
I, 59).
110. For the late writing fl fi for — ~ bmnw, Sethe, op. cit., p. 42; Wb., Ill, 283.
The transcription is attempted in the hope of eliciting corrections and amplification.
41
111. Here written a \t P r\ » bmstw, hmstwt; written in the two in-
stances cited below ^Nf* C\ ^cf* ^etne> °V- c&> P- 68).
112. Amun, Amaunet occur at Thebes most frequently in the early Ptolemaic
period (Sethe, Amun und die acht Urgotter, p. 71, and Table, PI. 1).
113. Sethe, op. tit., p. 68. Edfu, and p. 70, Thebes.
114. For absence of the ogdoad from funerary documents, Jequier, Considerations
sur les religions eg., p. 158. Sethe (op. cit.) lists two papyri which include ogdoads:
one is a demotic MS of Ptolemaic date (Berlin, No. 13603) and the other a Greek
magical papyrus (Leiden).
115. The familiar terracotta figures of Hellenized Egyptian deities were not
funerary but were used as household gods or temple offerings, taking the place of the
vanishing Egyptian bronze deities. For a general account of the hybridization of
style in funerary objects see Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins, Introduction. Scharff ob-
serves that Egyptian sculpture in the round finally disappeared about the middle of
the third century, somewhat earlier than Egyptian two-dimensional work (Otto's
Handbuch, 1939, p. 637).
116. The painted shrouds suggest a parallel but more Western integration of
style. In the first century it seems to have been usual for the head of the deceased to
be painted realistically in Western style by a different hand, while the rest of the
mummiform figure and the background figures, etc., followed Egyptian tradition
(e.g. two shrouds in Boston, W. S. Smith, Anc. Eg., Boston, pp. 188-89, Figs. 127,
133) : beginning with the second century the whole of the main figure seems often to
have been painted by the same hand and in the dress of daily life, while the back-
ground scenes become corrupt and greatly reduced in importance (e.g. the Moscow
shroud, Strelkov, Fayumskii Portret, PI. 28; the M.M.A. shroud, Note 127 below;
and the shroud of Ammonius, De Griineisen, Le portrait, PI. 2).
117. Cerny, Anc. Eg. Religion, pp. 149-50. According to Sauneron, recent studies
of the second-century hieroglyphic texts at Esna indicate that the decline and death
of ancient Egyptian theological thought took place considerably later than had been
suspected (CRAI, 1957, pp. 12-15).
118. Bell, Cults and Creeds in Rom. Eg., p. 64; Cerny, op. cit., p. 142.
119. Posener (ed.), Diet, de la civ. eg., p. 134 (Sauneron). I have not found the
primary material on which this statement is based. For two other late hieroglyphic
inscriptions in the region of Philae see Note 44, above.
120. Cf. Guide to Eg. Coll. B.M. (1930), Fig. 228, Stele of Diocletian, with ibid.,
Fig. 229, private stele with illegible demotic and no hieroglyphic; and with Spiegel-
berg, Bern. Inschr., No. 31145 (PI. 17), written in "barbarischen Hieroglyphen" and
"fast unleserlichen Demotisch." The type of stele shows at the top two confronted
"Anubis" animals seated on haunches, beneath a winged sun-disk with abnormally
large drooping wings.
121. Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., No. 22208, PI. 71. From Abydos. For a later dating
of this stele see Note 162, below.
122. Roeder and Ippel, Denkm. des Pelizaeus-Mus., No. 1537, pp. 18, 147-48, Fig.
62. A king offers to Amun(?), with Hathor standing behind the throne. The goddess
has three heads (two profile and one en face), the other figures are in roughly tradi-
tional stance. The scene is completed with a triple arcade.
123. See Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins, where the objects bear out the general state-
ment in the introduction (p. xix) : "In the second century it is very rarely that we
find even a short line of ill-made hieroglyphs." See also Note 44, above. The coffins
from Hibeh, with anonymous and meaningless hieroglyphs, published in Naville,
Ahnas el-Medineh, PI. 11, are worthy of mention here.
124. See Note 45. The painted shrouds of the Roman period sometimes carry
very short hieroglyphic inscriptions.
125. A stucco female figure in the Metropolitan Museum said to come from Tuna
el-Gebel and called "not later than the 4th century" (Dimand, in M. M. Stud., 2
[1929-30], 239-40, Fig. 1). The figure wears an ankle-length, girdled tunic with
festooned bands painted on it. These bands may represent merely folds but they are
above the girdle as well as on the belly.
126. Edgar, Graeco-Egyptian Coffins, No. 33282, pp. xvii, 129, PI. 48, (no prove-
nance). Since the shroud is poorly preserved and poorly reproduced the detailed de-
scription is most important. I am indebted to Miss Nora Scott of the Metropolitan
Museum for the comparison with the M.M.A. shroud mentioned immediately below
(Note 127). The similarity does not extend beyond the costume; the conventional,
mixed style of the Cairo shroud contrasts with the Hellenic appearance of the
M.M.A. shroud.
127. Philip Sale Cat. (1905), No. 102, said to come from the Fayum; Reinach,
Revue archeologique, 5e s£rie, 2 (July-Dec, 1915) 18 and Fig. 13; Strelkov, Fayumskii
Portret, p. 28, Fig. 12; Dimand {M. M. Stud., 2 [1929-30], 239) follows Reinach in
dating the shroud to the second century. The jewellery seems to indicate a later
date. For the ball and triple-pendant earrings cf. Marshall, Cat. of Jewellery in the
B.M., Nos. 2672-73, 2668-69, etc.; Segall, Benaki Mus., Goldschmiede-Arb., No. 136;
all dated to the third century; the similar earrings of the mummy-portraits perhaps
indicate second or third century (Drerup, Datierung der Mumienportrats, p. 22). The
Moscow portrait of Strelkov, op. cit., No. 8, PI. 6, which wears this type of earring,
must be very late. The M.M.A. lady wears a necklace made up of large oval stones
in wide settings, as well as two torque necklaces and torque bracelets. These features
are typical of the jewellery of the later Roman Empire. According to Drerup (op.
cit., p. 19), the coloured border at the neck would be an indication of lateness. The
style of the painting is consistent with the third-century mummy-portraits, cf . esp.
Ammonius from Antinoe (de Griineisen, he Portrait, p. 49, PI. 2; de la Ferte, Por-
traits romano-eg. du Louvre, p. 17, Fig. 17). In the field of the M.M.A. shroud there
is only a small Anubis-headed figure on each side, apparently executed by the same
hand as the central figure.
128. Of actual surviving tunics from Egypt none, to my knowledge, has been
dated earlier than the fourth century. They nearly always have a band of stitched
overlap around the middle, possibly for the insertion of a girdle or cord to raise the
garment by folding it at the waist, or to confine its enormous width. The R.O.M.
possesses two fine tunics (unpublished), dated tentatively not later than the fourth
or fifth century on technical grounds. They are not provided with this "girdle
fold." They are not straight-cut but are loosely tailored to the contour of the body
and with a slightly flaring skirt. (I owe this information to Mr. Harold Burnham of
the R.O.M.'s Textile Department.) These tunics may help to explain the earlier
tunics depicted by the ancient artists.
129. Graindor, Bustes et statues-portraits d'ftg. rom., No. 60, p. 119, PI. 52.
43
130. See Note 147 below.
131. Rubinsohn, JDAI, 20 (1905), 8 and Fig. 12.
132. Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins, Nos. 33270, 33271, pp. 110-14, PI. 44, described
as wearing hoop-earrings with animal heads; Edwards and Shorter, Handbook to the
Eg. Mummies and Coffins Exhibited in the B.M., Nos. 29584, 29585, pp. 58-59, PI. 25.
The type seems to represent that described by Maspero in his excavations at
Akhmim (see Bissing, ASAE, 50 [1950], 549-51). There seems to be a high girdle
(see esp. the B.M. No. 29585). Edgar (loc. cit.) describes the Cairo examples as hav-
ing a mantle knotted between the breasts and covering the front of the body. For
date, see Edgar, op. cit., pp. ix-x, xvii-xviii; also cf. the head of the B.M. specimen
with Edgar, op. cit., Pis. 26-27. It is uncertain whether the unusual dress of the
ladies depicted on the interior of some coffins in the British Museum was worn dur-
ing life or whether it was at least in part an adaptation of pharaonic dress for the
purposes of the tomb (described by Reinach in Revue archeologique, 5e serie, 2
[July-Dec, 1915], 18). This is the same type of costume as that of the large figure
on an unpublished (?) painted shroud in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Ace. No.
724723). The snake bracelets indicate a date not later than the early Empire period.
133. Borda, La pittura romana, p. 285. Professor Gilbert Bagnani referred me to
this book, and also to the works by Cecchelli and by Van Berchem and Clouzot,
cited in Notes 136 and 139, below.
134. Fakhry, The Necropolis of El-Bagawat, pp. 1-2, 11-12, Pis. 14-19 and Figs.
53, 54, 56 (dome of the "Chapel of the Exodus"). A similar costume is seen in an
early fourth-century mosaic in Carthage depicting life on an estate (Rostovzeff, Soc.
and Ec. Hist, of Rome, I, PI. 79, Fig. 1). The boy stelae from Sheikh Ibada, which
have been dated mainly on stylistic grounds to approximately the same period, oc-
casionally wear this costume (Muller, Pantheon, 18 [Nov.-Dec, 1960], 267-71. Lowe
this reference to Mr. John D. Cooney.
135. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms, Pis. 43, 79, 81, 86, 88, 185,
198, 222, 232. For lowering of Wilpert's dates, see Wirth, Die romische Wandmalerei,
p. 226 (none earlier than third century) and Rumpf, in Otto's Handbuch (1953), p.
195 (early fourth century). Our tunics, like those of el-Bagawat and the Roman
catacombs, seem to be related to the dalmatica which were common in Rome at the
end of the third century, having been introduced from the Orient, ostensibly from
Dalmatia. The dalmatica is mentioned in a decree of Diocletian, which attests that
it was widespread in the Orient at that time (Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire,
II, pp. 19-20, and V, p. 339).
136. Cecchelli, Monumenti cristiano- eretici di Roma, PI. opp. p. 100. For the ungirt
tunic worn by both men and women in late Roman times, see also below, Note 140.
137. This is my personal impression, based on lack of observation of white
feminine tunics in the mummy-portraits, until the late Empire. For white feminine
tunics of that period: Pagan and Christian Eg. (Brooklyn Mus.), No. 5 ( = Drerup,
Datierung der Mumienportrats, No. 27) and No. 6; Five Years of Collecting Eg. Art
(Brooklyn Mus.), No. 73 (Frontispiece). Drerup (op. cit., p. 19) observes that the
tunics of the female mummy-portraits are generally coloured while those of the males
are white, or off-white. A female mummy-portrait in Moscow (Strelkov, Fayumskii
Portret, No. 11, PI. 7), which has a white tunic, must be contemporary with a por-
trait dated by Drerup to the first half of the fourth century A.D. (op. cit., No. 29
and PI. 18) ; the amulet pendant would also indicate a late date.
u
138. Herty's tunic is certainly exposed to view in three instances (Pis. VIII and
IX), and as certainly is there shown without clavi.
139. The perennial fashion of wearing the mantle with a section pulled tightly
around the waist and with one end falling from the left shoulder and the other from
the left arm is extremely common in representational art of the second, third and
fourth century (e.g., Kraeling, Dura Europas, Final Report, VIII, Part I, The
Synagogue, Pis. 18-76 (third century); van Berchem and Clouzot, Mosa'iques
chret. du IVe au Xe Steele, Fig. 31 (fourth-fifth century); De Gruneisen, Les char-
acteristiques de Vart copte, PL 14 (Moscow shroud, second century).
140. See Notes 134 and 135, above, El-Bagawat and the Roman catacombs.
More examples of the masculine than of the feminine tunic of this description may
have existed in representations of third-century date; e.g. Borda, La pittura
romana, p. 302 (Ostia); Toynbee and Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peters, pp. 77-78,
PI. 16 (called "probably about the middle of the 2nd century" but more probably
third); Cecchelli, Monumenti cristiano-eretici di Roma, Pis. 16 and 21; Levi,
Antioch Mosaic Pavements, Pi. 48 b. According to Wilpert (Die Malereien der
Katakomben Roms, p. 87), the wide, ungirt tunic for men was introduced to Rome
by Antoninus, who discovered it in Dalmatia, and its feminine counterpart did not
appear until the third century. Drerup makes the generalization (Datierung der
Mumien-portrats, p. 19) that the pallium (for both sexes) is often lacking in the late
Empire. Two generalizations of Lillian Wilson's in The Clothing of the Ancient
Romans are also consistent with what little 1 have found in the ancient representa-
tions: that tunics were girt (with some possible exceptions for cult purposes) until
about the middle of the third century (p. 59), and that the long, enveloping feminine
stola was being abandoned by the third century (p. 155). Reinach (Revue archeolo-
gique, 5e serie, 2, July-Dec, 1915, 22) observed in general terms that the Roman-
Egyptian tunic for men, women and children alike was "une grande tunique blanche
flottante, a demi-manches, qui est moins le chiton grec que la galabieh des fellahs."
This seems true enough for the late Empire, but 1 have been unable to find any evi-
dence for such a garment in earlier times. See also below, in the tomb-paintings of
Akhmim (ASAE, 50 [1950], 576) and Qau el-Kebir (Steckeweh and Steindorff, Die
Furstengrdber von Qaw, PI. 22 a).
141. Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits, PI. 293. See also the two contemporane-
ous busts on Pis. 296 B and 297 A, and the bust of Maximums I (235-238) on PI.
293 of the same work. This type of toga is shown two-dimensionally in a mosaic of
the Piazza Armerina, Rome (Gentile, Bollettino d'arte, 42 [1957], 12 and Fig. 5).
It seems to appear in the arch of Constantine (Burckhardt, Die Zeit Constantins des
Grossen, Fig. 12).
142. Graindor, Busies et portraits-statues d'fig. rom., No. 50, p. 106, PI. 42 b.
143. Roman Portraits and Memphis IV, p. 15 and PI. 12. Although this figure does
actually appear to be a man the mask of the mummy upon which the cloth lies is
surely a woman (Petrie calls the deceased a man).
144. Kamal, Steles ptol. et rom., No. 22208, PI. 71. See also Note 162, below, for
a later dating of this stele.
145. Hooper, Funerary Stelae from Kom Abou Billou. See also Note 160, below.
I do not know whether the garment (Herty's) in question might not even be the
pallium contabulatum described and illustrated in Daremberg and Saglio, Diction-
naire, IV, p. 293 and Fig. 5483. This was a scarf-like mantle in vogue towards the
45
end of the third and during the fourth century, which was folded four or five times
lengthwise, pleated in a wide band, and tied in various ways around the body.
146. This is very clearly shown in Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, PI. 48 b
("House of the Buffet Supper," third century(?)). I have not found earlier ex-
amples of the style.
147. For the Tuna el-Gebel tomb : Sami Gabra, Rapport sur les fouilles d'Hermo-
poulis-Ouest {Tuna el-Gebel), p. xii, Pis. 12-15, esp. 13(2); ILN, June 8, 1933, pp.
1020-21, Figs. 6-7. The tomb is not clearly dated by the excavators, who suggest the
third century for the group of tombs to which it belongs. Bissing (ASAE, 50 [1950],
570) quotes a letter of Drioton's written in 1949, dating the tomb to the second cen-
tury; Scharff dates it to the second century (Otto's Handbuch, 1939, p. 637) ; and so
does Engelbach (Introd. to Eg. Archaeology, p. 143). Dr. W. S. Smith, who mentions
these tombs in his Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, kindly replied to my in-
quiry as follows, "I would not be surprised if Plate 13(2) (of the report) is second
century. ... I remember that Miss Swindler thought that a number of the classical
paintings seemed earlier than third century."
148. ASAE, 50 (1950), 547-76, Pis. 1-4; JDAI, 61-62 (1946^47), 1-16. The
watercolor drawings in the former work were made by his wife, who accompanied
him. There are no photographs or facsimile drawings.
149. Nestor l'Hote, Lettres ecrites d'Eg. en 1888 et 1889, p. 86, quoted by Bissing,
ASAE, 50 (1950), 576.
150. ASAE, 50 (1950), 562.
151. hoc. cit.
152. Rostovtzeff, JHS, 39 (1919), 147, where he links the Akhmim tombs with
well-dated tombs in South Russia, which showed strong Egyptian influence, and at
Ostia. According to this article he discusses the matter at greater length in a work
published in Russian (Ancient Decorative Painting in the South of Russia).
153. JDAI, 61-62 (1946-47), 15; ASAE, 50 (1950), 564. The pattern is common
in the Roman catacombs. He also observes that sarcophagi in the Akhmim tombs
are similar to those of the Roman catacombs. (JDAI, 61-62 [1946-47], 1). The
mummy-tickets suggest that in the third century Christians were buried at Akhmim
beside devotees of the ancient Egyptian religion (Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and
Christianity in Egypt, pp. 102-5).
154. Drioton, Chron. d'Eg., 20 (1945), 104-11. He connects these paintings with
the two Rhind Papyri in Edinburgh, written at the end of the first century B.C.
155. Lefebvre, Le tombeau de Petosiris.
156. I have found no Egyptian private stelae showing Greek influence which are
securely dated to the Ptolemaic period except, perhaps, the Berlin stele of a bearded
Phoenician dated by inscription to 203 B.C. (Schafer, in ZAS, 40 [1902], 31 ff.,
PI. 1).
157. Bissing, La catacombe nouvellement decouverte de Kom el-Chougafa; Schreiber,
Die Nekropol von Kom esch-Shukafa; Rowe, BSRAA, 35 (1942), 10, 18-45. The
painted tombs at Kom esh-Shugafa are perhaps slightly later than the main tomb in
these catacombs, which contains mixed-style statuary and reliefs and is dated on
stylistic and iconographic grounds to about the time of Hadrian.
158. Bell, Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt, pp. 55, 66.
159. Bataille, Chron. d'ttg., 26 (1951), 342-52; Bell, Egypt from Alexander the
Great to the Arab Conquest, p. 109.
46
160. Hooper. Funerary Stelae from Kom Abou Billou. The coins were found either
in the hands of the deceased or in rows below or on top of the body from the chin
to the abdomen (p. 13). The numismatic evidence is supported by inscriptional evi-
dence (p. 4, length of reign in four examples). A full list of previous publications of
the type is given (Note 1 of that work).
161. Greek Sculpt., p. xii.
162. Kamal, Steles ptol et rom., No. 22208, PI. 71, attributed by Kamal to the
Antonine or Severan period, apparently on account of its extremely "late" appear-
ance. In the light of more recent publications, notably the stele of Diocletian (Mond
and Myers, The Bucheum, PI. 46), it might be assigned to the third century on the
same grounds of style. Its "toga" of third-century form has been mentioned above
(pp. 22, 26).
163. E.g., The Coptic funerary stele in the Brooklyn Museum, Pagan and
Christian Eg. (Brooklyn Mus., 1941), No. 36, and the Coptic tapestry illustrated
in the May 1960 Sale Catalogue of Ars Antiqua, Lucerne, No. 41, both probably
fifth century.
164. This has been discussed most recently by Will: Le relief cultuel greco-rom.,
p. 248-49. See also Deonna's study of the degeneration of forms during the Roman
period: Du miracle grec au miracle chretien, III, pp. 55-61.
165. See Note 147, above.
166. Guimet, Les portraits oVAntino'e au Mus. Guimet (Annates du Mus. Guimet,
5 (1912), Pis. 35-41) ; de Griineisen, Les characteristiques de Vart copte, p. 35. Antinoe
was founded in 122, under Hadrian. Most of the mummy portraits, etc., from the
site seem to belong to the third century (see de la Fert6, Portraits romano-eg. du
Louvre, and Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt, pp. 106-7).
167. Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, II, p. 5; EEF Arch. Report, 1893-94, pp.
3-4, PI. 3. For the type see Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins, Nos. 33276-79, pp. x-xi, 119-
23, PI. 46.
168. Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri, 1911-1931, p. 99, PI. 95. There are
examples in Boston (W. S. Smith, Anc. Eg., Boston, p. 189, Fig. 131) and in Brook-
lyn (Five Years of Collecting Eg. Art, Brooklyn Mus., No. 74, p. 59, PI. 92), both of
which are also published in Pagan and Christian Eg. (Brooklyn Mus.), Nos. 9 and
10.
169. De Griineisen, Le portrait, p. 40, PI. 2; de la Ferte, Portraits romano-eg. du
Louvre, p. 17, Fig. 17. See also Notes 98, 127, above.
170. Drerup, Datierung der Mumienportrats, Nos. 30-34 (fourth century).
171. For probable date see, in addition to the works cited above for examples of
the type, Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt, p. 128, who suggests
the second half of the third century. He doubts that one bore a Coptic label, as
stated by Naville.
172. Bruyere and Bataille, BIFAO, 36 (1936-37), 145-74.
173. Bruyere and Bataille, op. cit., pp. 167, 174, PI. 5. One of the masks (PI. 5,
No. 3) wears the type of earring worn in the latest type of mummy portrait (Drerup*
Datierung der Mumienportrats, Nos. 27, 29, 31, Pis. 17-19); this is probably also
worn by the Deir el-Bahari mummies (Edgar, Graeco-Eg. Coffins, PI. 46); similar
earrings, however, seem to have been worn earlier as well (Drerup, op. cit., No. 13,
PI. 6; Segall, Benaki Mus., Goldschmiede-Arb., Nos. 121, 122, 131, 134; Edgar,
JHS, 25 (1905), 230).
47
174. E.g. Hooper, Funerary Stelae from Kom Abou Billou, No. 63, PI. 7d.
175. Edgar, JHS, 25 (1905), 231, for development of the mask.
176. Their relationship to the late panel portraits is suggested in Pagan and
Christian Eg. (Brooklyn Mus.), No. 9. The view is, however, mainly my own, and
admittedly subjective.
177. BIFAO, 36 (1936-37), 146.
178. De Luctu, 21.
179. Pyrrh., Ill, 24, 226.
180. Meyer (trans.), Life of Saint Antony, p. 94.
181. Schmidt, ZAS, 32 (1894), 56.
182. Petrie, Rom. Portraits and Memphis IV, pp. 2-3; Erman, Religion der
Agypter (1934), p. 412. Erman cites a wooden shrine for a mummy in Berlin, with
double doors opening at the upper half of the body, in support of this theory (op. cit.,
Fig. 176), and adds "oder sie ruhten auch auf den schonen Bahren mit den durch-
brochenen Wander, die sich in den Grabern dieser Zeit finden." The reference is
probably to the Ptolemaic beds in Cairo, Berlin and Edinburgh (Notes 41, 42 and 43,
above). I know of no further material that might substantiate the quoted statement.
183. Unpublished, Cat. No. 98-3.15-218, 30092. The shroud is related to the
Moscow shrouds (Strelkov, Fayumskii Portret, Pis. 28, 30), to the Philadelphia
shroud (Note 45, above), and to a shroud in Boston (W. S. Smith, Anc. Eg., Boston,
Fig. 133), and must belong to the Roman period. That the bier was occasionally
represented as drawn on wheels in the funeral procession as early as the New King-
dom is proved by a coffin in the British Museum (Edwards and Shorter, Handbook to
the Eg. Mummies and Coffins, 1938, No. 36211, p. 39). Wheels appear in a similar
scene on the fragment of a painted shroud reproduced in Wilkinson, A Popular Ac-
count of the Ancient Egyptians (1854), I, p. 384, Fig. 337, called "Late Period," but
perhaps Roman.
184. BIFAO, 36 (193&-37), 146-47.
185. Bataille, Chron. d'Eg., 26 (1951), 338.
48
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56
PLATES
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p l a t e mi. Th< Right Front Leg showing l)<nihl< Column of Inscription,
and //'//// in File of Deities.
61
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L \ t e v . The Pictorial Friezi , Right Side, First Section
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l a t e v i . The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Second Section
plate vii. The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Third Section
plate viii. The Pictorial Frieze, Right Side, Fourth Section
(Right End).
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L a t k ix. The Pictorial Frieze, Left Side, First Section
(Right End).
L a t i; x . The Pictorial Frieze. Left Side, Second Section
a a
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